{"id":943,"date":"2008-06-16T21:06:37","date_gmt":"2008-06-16T19:06:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/wp.mehmetcanyuece.com\/2008\/06\/16\/bir-anti-kapitalist-manifesto-volkan-yarasr\/"},"modified":"2008-06-16T21:06:37","modified_gmt":"2008-06-16T19:06:37","slug":"bir-anti-kapitalist-manifesto-volkan-yarasr","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/bir-anti-kapitalist-manifesto-volkan-yarasr\/","title":{"rendered":"Bir anti-kapitalist manifesto – Volkan Yara\u015f\u0131r"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n \t<\/i> Read Time:<\/span>28 Minute, 18 Second <\/div>\n\n <\/div>

15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131 \/<\/strong>15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarihinin en \u00f6nemli eylemlerinden biridir. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n toplumsal ve maddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koyan bu eylem, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizman\u0131n \u00e7\u0131plak ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi. 15-16 Haziran i\u00e7eri\u011fi, etki g\u00fcc\u00fc, devletle a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ifade etmesi, etkiledi\u011fi kesimler ve yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ruh hali ve atmosferle tipik bir ayaklanmayd\u0131. Her ne kadar 15-16 Haziran’a genel olarak bir direni\u015f vurgusu yap\u0131lsa da, bu vurgu tek ba\u015f\u0131na yetersiz ve eksik bir izaht\u0131r.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131, \u00f6zellikle 1950’lerle birlikte nicel ve nitel a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 artan s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, 1960’larda aya\u011fa kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ve biriktire biriktire \u015fekilleni\u015finin d\u0131\u015favurumuydu. Hatta 19.y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finden beri b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sab\u0131rla biriken volkan\u0131n patlamas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131 bir anti-kapitalizm prati\u011fiydi. De\u011ferlendirildi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde anti-kapitalizmin teorisi de olabilirdi. Ama olmad\u0131.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Tarih sahnesine ge\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kan ama gen\u00e7 bir s\u0131n\u0131f: T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 do\u011fu\u015fuyla birlikte baz\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckleri i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. Tarih sahnesine ge\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ama gen\u00e7 bir s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131.(1)<\/p>\n

Fakat kapitalist formasyon i\u00e7inde yer almas\u0131yla k\u0131ta Avrupa’s\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla benzer refleksler g\u00f6sterdi. K\u0131ta Avrupa’s\u0131nda bir yandan s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6fkesini d\u0131\u015fa vuran, \u00f6te yandan makineyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fen bir uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, yani kapitalizmin reddi olan Ludist hareket, Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131nda da g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. 1852’de \u015fimdiki Bulgaristan’da bulunan Smakov fabrikas\u0131nda Ludist deneyim ya\u015fand\u0131. Osmanl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi en ba\u015fta sendika \u00f6ncesi olu\u015fumlarla kendini d\u0131\u015fa vurdu. Taban \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri \u015feklinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi. \u0130lk grevlerle \u015fekillendi. Osmanl\u0131 Amele Cemiyeti gibi illegal i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri kurdu. Buradaki vurgu T\u00fcrkiye sol hareketinde yayg\u0131n ve bir anlamda s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n i\u011fdi\u015f edilmesi ya da nesneler y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 haline getirilmesinin ifadesi olan yorumlara itirazd\u0131r. Evet T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir dizi \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u015fekilsizli\u011fi vard\u0131r. Ama kapitalist formasyon, daha komprador niteli\u011findeyken ve c\u0131l\u0131z yap\u0131s\u0131na ra\u011fmen s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizma kendini d\u0131\u015fa vurmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00e7ok yava\u015f da olsa, bir\u00e7ok handikaba kar\u015f\u0131 \u015fekillenme s\u00fcrecine girmi\u015fti. \u00d6rne\u011fin Osmanl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kozmopolit bir nitelikteydi. S\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7inde vas\u0131fl\u0131 ve sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu gayri m\u00fcslimlerden olu\u015fuyordu. 1912 Balkan Sava\u015f\u0131 ve beraberinde geli\u015fen ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketleri bu kozmopolit \u00f6zelliklerin k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerin milliyet\u00e7ililik r\u00fczgar\u0131na kap\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Milliyet\u00e7ilik temelinde b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler ya\u015fand\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca 1914-1918 d\u00f6nemi ve 1919-1923 aras\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmeler i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n vas\u0131fl\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fe sahip ve daha fazla proleterle\u015fmi\u015f kesimlerinin; Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi k\u00f6kenli i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ya fiziken yok olmas\u0131na ya da \u00fclkeyi terk etmesine neden oldu. T.C.’nin “kurulu\u015f” s\u00fcrecine Osmanl\u0131’n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc miras\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131nmad\u0131. \u00dclkede s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n nicel ve nitel durumu zay\u0131ft\u0131. Proleterle\u015fme d\u00fczeyi g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz ve s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci geriydi. TC ve Kemalizm i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131racak ve uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin tecr\u00fcbelerinden yararlanarak ba\u015f\u0131ndan etkisizle\u015ftirecek ve \u0131slah edecek \u00f6nlemler ald\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 tek parti ve DP d\u00f6neminde de s\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

K\u0131saca \u015f\u00f6yle bir tan\u0131mlama yap\u0131labilir: 1835’te resmi verilere g\u00f6re Feshane fabrikas\u0131n\u0131n kurulu\u015funu baz al\u0131rsak, 1835 ile 1960 aras\u0131 yani 125 y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u00f6nem s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n uzun s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f kulu\u00e7ka d\u00f6nemi, r\u00fc\u015feym hali ya da mayalanma d\u00f6nemi olarak de\u011ferlendirebiliriz. 1800 \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nem, lonca sistemine ba\u011fl\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kta usta-\u00e7\u0131rak ili\u015fkisine dayanan, ataerkil ili\u015fkinin hakim oldu\u011fu, s\u0131n\u0131fsal kutupla\u015fman\u0131n yava\u015f seyretti\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemdi. \u0130li\u015fkilerin d\u00fczeyi bat\u0131daki patron-i\u015f\u00e7i ili\u015fkisinden \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131. 1950’li y\u0131llar s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fki ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin sertle\u015fmesini g\u00f6steren bir moment oldu. Kapitalist geli\u015fmeye paralel i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n niceli\u011finde hissedilir bir art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. TC’nin kurulu\u015fuyla birlikte her ne kadar devlet taraf\u0131ndan kontrol alt\u0131nda tutulmaya, atomize edilmeye ve bir devlet politikas\u0131 olarak i\u00e7 farkl\u0131l\u0131klar yarat\u0131p b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lsa da, s\u0131n\u0131f ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir rota da hareket edip, g\u00fc\u00e7 olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f hareketi i\u00e7 sal\u0131n\u0131ml\u0131, gelgitli ve \u00e7ok vekt\u00f6rl\u00fc bir \u015fekilde geli\u015fme g\u00f6sterdi. Eylem eylem, direni\u015f direni\u015f birikti. \u00d6zellikle 1960’lar T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadele tarihinde muazzam bir d\u00f6nemin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 oldu. Tarih sahnesine ge\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0131n\u0131f, gen\u00e7li\u011finin b\u00fct\u00fcn dinamizmiyle toplumsal m\u00fccadelenin ortas\u0131nda en aktif ve en radikal bir \u015fekilde yer ald\u0131. 125 y\u0131ll\u0131k birikim harekete ge\u00e7iyordu. Ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 “art\u0131k ben de var\u0131m” diyordu.<\/p>\n

1960’lar: Gelecek i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131nd\u0131r<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n

1960’lara girildi\u011finde, 1950’lerden beri ya\u015fanan kapitalist geli\u015fmeye paralel olarak, T\u00fcrkiye’de m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fme s\u00fcreci h\u0131zlanm\u0131\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00f6nemin (ithal ikameci birikim modelinin) ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 sekt\u00f6rleri olan metal, metalurji, maden, petro-kimya gibi sekt\u00f6rlerde yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi geleneksel sanayi kentleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere yayg\u0131nla\u015f\u0131yordu ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde aray\u0131\u015flar dikkat \u00e7ekmekteydi.<\/p>\n

27 May\u0131s askeri darbesiyle s\u00fcre\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizminin geli\u015fimine ve uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na uygun bir \u015fekilde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen, 27 May\u0131s askeri darbesi (2), kapitalist stabilizasyon y\u00f6n\u00fcnde d\u00fczenlemeler yapt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 bir yan\u0131yla da kapitalizmin geni\u015fleme d\u00f6nemine tekab\u00fcl etti. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nem kendi antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131 yaratarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, toplumsal-maddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak, siyasal ya\u015famda rol al\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 beraberinde getirdi.<\/p>\n

1952 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulan T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketini kontrol etmek ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z geli\u015fimini engellemek y\u00f6n\u00fcnde i\u015flev g\u00f6recekti. TC’nin bu y\u00f6ndeki \u00e7abalar\u0131 yeni de\u011fildi. Cumhuriyetin ba\u015f\u0131nda, Kemalist iktidar\u0131n denetiminde kurulan \u0130stanbul Umum Amele Birli\u011fi bunlardan biriydi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri Kemalist ideolojinin merkezleri durumuna getirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Tam denetimine \u00f6zel \u00f6nem verildi. T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f de b\u00f6ylesi bir y\u00f6nelimin So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6nemindeki bi\u00e7im al\u0131\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin \u00f6n\u00fc ba\u015f\u0131ndan kesilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Ne varki dip dalgas\u0131n\u0131 kontrol etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. 1960’lar s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yeni aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n da g\u00f6stergesi olacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

1961 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketlenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f h\u0131zla kitlesel bir g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ferek, sosyal m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7inde yerini ald\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bunun en temel nedenlerinden biri say\u0131lar\u0131 az da olsa, b\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015fletmelerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ikinci ku\u015fak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n nicel say\u0131s\u0131 art\u0131yor, \u00f6zellikle k\u0131rsal alanda ya\u015fanan m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fmeye ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, m\u00fclks\u00fcz y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar proleterle\u015fiyordu. \u00d6te yandan k\u0131rdan kente g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn h\u0131zlanmas\u0131ndan kaynakl\u0131 ve hala bir aya\u011f\u0131 k\u0131rda olan yar\u0131 proleter unsurlar devreye girmekteydi. \u0130n\u015faat, g\u0131da ve maden sekt\u00f6r\u00fc bu yar\u0131-k\u00f6yl\u00fc, yar\u0131-proleter kesimin istihdam alanlar\u0131 olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

1960 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00fccretlilerin oran\u0131 faal n\u00fcfusun % 13’\u00fcyd\u00fc. 60’l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n i\u00e7inde bu oran h\u0131zla y\u00fckselecekti.<\/p>\n

1961 yaz\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u0131cak ge\u00e7iyordu. S\u0131n\u0131f lokal eylemler yapt\u0131. Anayasa sendikalara, toplu i\u015f s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi ve grev hakk\u0131 tan\u0131maktayd\u0131. Ne var ki bu haklar yasal bir d\u00fczenlemeye sokulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 en temel haklar\u0131n\u0131 almak i\u00e7in tepkilerini g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ocak 1961’de \u0130zmir ve \u0130stanbul’da, Aral\u0131k 1961’de Kocaeli’nde kapal\u0131 salon toplant\u0131lar\u0131, miting ve sessiz y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015flerle grev hakk\u0131 ve i\u015f kanunun yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesi istendi. 31 Aral\u0131k 1961’de yap\u0131lan Sara\u00e7hane Mitingi g\u00f6rkemli bir kitle g\u00f6sterisi oldu. \u0130stanbul Sendikalar Birli\u011fi (3) taraf\u0131ndan organize edilen mitinge 100 bin i\u015f\u00e7i kat\u0131ld\u0131. Miting, T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi tarihinde o g\u00fcne kadar g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f en b\u00fcy\u00fck protesto g\u00f6sterisiydi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler mitingde grev ve toplus\u00f6zle\u015fme hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunan sloganlar att\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sara\u00e7hane Mitingi i\u015f\u00e7ilere toplumsal ve maddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi. Bu basit bir olay de\u011fildi. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n zihniyet d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda bir de\u011fi\u015fimi i\u015faretliyordu. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn fark\u0131na varmas\u0131 bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7t\u0131. Ve yapabilme ve ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilme kudreti b\u00f6ylece a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. Sara\u00e7hane Mitingi tek tek damlalar\u0131n birle\u015firse sel olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, selin de y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funun g\u00f6stergesiydi. Eyleme kat\u0131lan i\u015f\u00e7i eylem i\u00e7inde hem kolektif g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn fark\u0131na var\u0131yor, hem de \u00f6znel de\u011fi\u015fimini ya\u015fayarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. <\/em><\/p>\n

1961 y\u0131l\u0131nda ekonomik-demokratik haklar\u0131n d\u00fczenlenmesi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretlere kar\u015f\u0131 sessiz y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f, sakal b\u0131rakma ve benzeri eylemler yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sara\u00e7hane Mitingi bu eylem zincirini ta\u00e7land\u0131ran g\u00f6rkemli bir pratik olarak, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kolektif belle\u011finde iz b\u0131rakacakt\u0131. Mitingin oldu\u011fu g\u00fcn \u0130stanbul Denizcilik Bankas\u0131 liman y\u00fckleme ve bo\u015faltma servisinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7iler de \u00fccretlerin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in greve \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu grev d\u00f6nemin ilk greviydi.<\/p>\n

13 \u015eubat 1961 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u0130P’in kurulmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye siyasal arenas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fmeydi. 1962 y\u0131l\u0131nda bir dizi i\u015f\u00e7i eylemi ve direni\u015f ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Eylemlerin say\u0131s\u0131 artt\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler i\u015ften at\u0131lmalara kar\u015f\u0131 ve \u00fccretleri art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7e\u015fitli (sessiz y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f, oturma eylemi, yemek boykotu, k\u0131smi i\u015f b\u0131rakma gibi) eylemler yapt\u0131. Bu birikim ve deneyimler Kavel i\u015f\u00e7ilerine g\u00fcven verecekti.<\/p>\n

1963, 29 Ocak’ta Kavel Kablo fabrikas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Maden-\u0130\u015f Sendikas\u0131’na \u00fcye 173 i\u015f\u00e7i, y\u0131ll\u0131k ikramiyelerinin \u00f6denmemesi ve sendikal bask\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f b\u0131rakt\u0131 ve oturma eylemi yapt\u0131. Daha sonra baz\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u015ften at\u0131ld\u0131 ve i\u015fveren lokavt ilan etti. Bunun \u00fczerine 4 \u015eubat 1963’te Kavel i\u015f\u00e7ileri greve ba\u015flad\u0131. Grev m\u00fccadelesi h\u0131zla sertle\u015fti. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler grev k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 memurlar\u0131 fabrikaya sokmad\u0131. Polis m\u00fcdahalesi, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u00c7evre halk ve i\u015f\u00e7i aileleri destek i\u00e7in fabrikan\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde topland\u0131. Baz\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler tutukland\u0131. Grev bir yan\u0131yla da s\u0131n\u0131f dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 simgeledi. General Elektrik fabrikas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7iler para toplad\u0131. Demird\u00f6k\u00fcm i\u015f\u00e7ileri yard\u0131m kampanyas\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131 ve destek i\u00e7in sakal b\u0131rakt\u0131. T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in g\u00fcney b\u00f6lgesinde 23 sendika ba\u015fkan\u0131 ve 45 y\u00f6netici, Kavel direni\u015fini T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in yeterince desteklemedi\u011finden dolay\u0131 konfederasyonla ili\u015fkilerini kesti. Daha sonraki g\u00fcnlerde i\u015fverenin d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya mal \u00e7\u0131kartmak istemesi \u00fczerine i\u015f\u00e7iler m\u00fcdahale etti. Yeniden polisle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fand\u0131.<\/p>\n

Kavel bir direni\u015fin, inad\u0131n ve inanc\u0131n simgesi oldu. Grev \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma bakan\u0131n\u0131n devreye girmesiyle sona erdi.<\/p>\n

Kavel i\u015f\u00e7ileri yapt\u0131klar\u0131 grevle s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kolektif g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6sterdi. Kavel i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin direni\u015fi, anayasal bir hak olan ama yasal d\u00fczenlemelerin yap\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 grev ve toplus\u00f6zle\u015fme yasas\u0131n\u0131n fiilen \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Kavel grevi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kopara kopara alma gelene\u011finin simgesi oldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z g\u00fcc\u00fcyle her t\u00fcrl\u00fc stat\u00fckoyu parampar\u00e7a edece\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi. <\/em>Bu g\u00fcc\u00fcn y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark eden egemenler, h\u0131zla \u00f6nlemler alma ihtiyac\u0131 duydu (4).<\/p>\n

1965 Kozlu Direni\u015fi, 1966 Pa\u015fabah\u00e7e Grevi d\u00f6nemin en etkili eylemeleri olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f sendikas\u0131n\u0131 ar\u0131yordu. <\/em>Korparatizmin ve b\u00fcrokratizmin batakl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ger\u00e7ek bir s\u0131n\u0131f sendikas\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 acil bir ihtiya\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n

1966 Pa\u015fabah\u00e7e grevi ve greve T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ve grev s\u00fcrecinde olu\u015fturulan sendikalar aras\u0131ndaki dayan\u0131\u015fma \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi SADA, bu s\u00fcrecin kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 aralad\u0131. Bu geli\u015fmeler D\u0130SK’in kurulma zeminlerini yaratt\u0131. SADA, D\u0130SK’in embriyomu i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc. D\u0130SK, 1967 y\u0131l\u0131nda kuruldu. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde \u00f6\u011frenci gen\u00e7lik ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc hareketinde \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmeler ya\u015fan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f, T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ana g\u00f6vdesini olu\u015fturan kamu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131nda son derece \u00f6nemli bir rol oynuyordu. Cumhuriyetin kurulmas\u0131ndan itibaren izlenen istihdam politikalar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n siyasal iktidara tabili\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde uygulamalar g\u00fcndeme sokulmu\u015ftu. T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f devlet sendikas\u0131 olarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir \u00e7izgide geli\u015fmesini engelleme ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kontrol etme misyonuyla hareket etti. Partiler\u00fcst\u00fc sendikac\u0131l\u0131k, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminin temel ilkesi olan anti-kom\u00fcnizm T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve politikalar\u0131n\u0131 belirledi. T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in bu karakteri s\u0131n\u0131f bilincini son derece k\u00f6relten, kimli\u011fini dejenere eden bir etki yaratt\u0131.<\/p>\n

D\u0130SK bir anlamda s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve TC’nin kurulu\u015fundan, hatta Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6neminden beri s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n (5) ve kendini ifade etme u\u011fra\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesi oldu. S\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin dipten gelen dalgas\u0131, \u00f6n\u00fcndeki blokajlar\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131yordu. D\u0130SK a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6rde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi, h\u0131zla k\u00f6k sald\u0131 ve geli\u015fti. S\u0131n\u0131f ataklar yapmaya devam ediyor, \u00f6znel ve nesnel \u015fekilleni\u015fi do\u011frultusunda \u00f6nemli, \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 ve sars\u0131c\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

1968-1969’daki fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en radikal ve militan eylemleri olarak iz b\u0131rakt\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri tarihinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi en militan ve sars\u0131c\u0131 eylem tarz\u0131 fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleridir. Fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri en ba\u015fta kapitalizmin ontolojisi olan \u00f6zel m\u00fclke kar\u015f\u0131 giri\u015filmi\u015f bir eylemdir. Sermayenin ac\u0131yan yerine vurmakt\u0131r. Sermayenin i\u00e7inde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 korku kadar, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ruhunu ate\u015fleyici bir i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahiptir. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendisini ilga etme k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dccretli emek d\u00fczenini kilitlemektir. Ayr\u0131ca Roma hukukundan beri gelen \u00f6zel m\u00fclk\u00fcn korunmas\u0131 ya da burjuva hukukunu i\u015flevsiz b\u0131rakan muazzam bir eylem bi\u00e7imidir. <\/em><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131f tarihi i\u00e7inde en \u00f6nemli, en sars\u0131c\u0131 eylem dalgas\u0131 olarak 1968 ve 1969’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bir dizi fabrika i\u015fgal eylemlerini g\u00f6rebiliriz.<\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f bu eylemleriyle hedefi g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Hedef: Kapitalizmdir. <\/em>Fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri 1968 Derby i\u015fgaliyle ba\u015flad\u0131. Derby i\u015fgali s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde \u00f6nemli bir moment oldu. 1200 Derby i\u015f\u00e7isinin D\u0130SK\/ Lastik-\u0130\u015f’e \u00fcye olmas\u0131 i\u015fveren taraf\u0131ndan kabul edilmedi. \u0130\u015fveren T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’e ba\u011fl\u0131 Kau\u00e7uk-\u0130\u015f’i yetkili sendika olarak atad\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler toplus\u00f6zle\u015fmeyi Kau\u00e7uk-\u0130\u015f’le imzalamamak istemesi \u00fczerine tepkiler, spontane bir \u015fekilde fabrika i\u015fgal eylemine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u0130\u015fgale \u00f6\u011frenci gen\u00e7lik destek oldu. Lastik-\u0130\u015f i\u015fyerinde yetkili sendikan\u0131n belirlenmesi i\u00e7in referandum yap\u0131lmas\u0131 teklifinde bulundu ama teklif reddedildi. Sonunda mahkeme karar\u0131 sonucu referandum uyguland\u0131 ve Lastik-\u0130\u015f referandumu b\u00fcy\u00fck bir oy \u00e7oklu\u011fuyla kazand\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sendikal haklar ve i\u015fverenin bask\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen eylem, ilk fabrika i\u015fgal eylemi olarak iz b\u0131rakt\u0131. \u0130\u015fgal, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n sendikal m\u00fccadelesinin geldi\u011fi a\u015famay\u0131 ortaya koydu ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 sonuna kadar koruyaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi. Derby i\u015fgali, eylemin niteli\u011fi ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ve etkileriyle s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde yeni bir d\u00f6nemin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 oldu. \u0130\u015fgal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u015fekillenmesinin bir g\u00f6stergesiydi. Ve kendinden sonra ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bir\u00e7ok benzer eyleme \u00f6rnek olacakt\u0131. Derby i\u015fgalini ayn\u0131 y\u0131l (1968’de) Alt\u0131nel Pres Sanayi, Kavel Kablo, Emayeta\u015f i\u015fgalleri izledi.<\/p>\n

1969 y\u0131l\u0131nda fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri radikalle\u015ferek yayg\u0131nl\u0131k g\u00f6sterdi. Sendikal haklara sahip \u00e7\u0131kma ve i\u015fverenin bask\u0131lar\u0131 i\u015fgal eylemlerini tetiklese de, eylemler s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizman\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k d\u0131\u015favurumuydu. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin en keskin ve en somut ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 odak olan fabrikada ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen i\u015fgal eylemleri, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendisi i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f olma y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6nemli bir merhaleyi i\u015faretliyordu. <\/em><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u015fgal tipi eylemlerle, hem kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve s\u0131n\u0131f kimli\u011fini peki\u015ftiriyordu, hem de sermaye ya da patronla, devlet aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi kavr\u0131yordu. Sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 nas\u0131l sava\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fayarak \u00f6\u011freniyordu. \u0130\u015fgal eme\u011fin sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 net bir tav\u0131r al\u0131\u015f\u0131yd\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fli\u011finin ate\u015f \u00e7emberi i\u00e7inde \u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir pratikti. <\/em><\/p>\n

Ocak 1969’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Singer i\u015fgali b\u00f6yle bir eylemdi. Singer’de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan 520 i\u015f\u00e7i “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z” \u00c7elik-\u0130\u015f sendikas\u0131ndan ayr\u0131larak, D\u0130SK’e ba\u011fl\u0131 Maden-\u0130\u015f sendikas\u0131na ge\u00e7ti. \u0130\u015fveren bu geli\u015fme \u00fczerine i\u015f\u00e7ilere g\u00f6zda\u011f\u0131 vermek i\u00e7in \u00fc\u00e7 i\u015f\u00e7iyi i\u015ften att\u0131. Bunun \u00fczerine i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u015ften at\u0131lmalar\u0131 protesto etmek ve sendika haklar\u0131n\u0131 elde etmek i\u00e7in fabrikay\u0131 i\u015fgal etti. Ertesi g\u00fcn polis i\u015f\u00e7ilere m\u00fcdahale etti. Singer i\u015f\u00e7ileri polisin m\u00fcdahalesine kar\u015f\u0131 aktif direni\u015f g\u00f6sterdi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerle polis aras\u0131nda ta\u015fl\u0131, sopal\u0131 olarak belirli aral\u0131klarla 5 saat \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

\u00c7evre halk\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i aileleri i\u015fgalci i\u015f\u00e7ilere destek vermek i\u00e7in fabrikan\u0131n etraf\u0131nda topland\u0131. Yeni polis g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin gelmesiyle, i\u015f\u00e7iler fabrikadan zorla \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. \u00c7at\u0131\u015fmalar sonucu 14 i\u015f\u00e7i ve 8 polis yaraland\u0131. Onlarca i\u015f\u00e7i g\u00f6zalt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Singer i\u015fgali ve g\u00f6sterilen direni\u015f yeni bir d\u00f6nemin kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 aralad\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, devletle aras\u0131ndaki mesafeyi net olarak oraya koymaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Birka\u00e7 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde fabrika mahalleyle, sokakla ve alanlarla bulu\u015facakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ard\u0131ndan Demird\u00f6k\u00fcm i\u015fgali geldi. Benzer gerek\u00e7elerle Demird\u00f6k\u00fcm i\u015f\u00e7ileri fabrikay\u0131 i\u015fgal etti. \u0130\u015fgal eylemine 2300 i\u015f\u00e7iden 1850’si fiilen kat\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130\u015fgal \u00e7evre fabrikalar ve halk taraf\u0131ndan aktif desteklendi. \u0130\u015fgal 5 g\u00fcn s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Polis fabrikaya ses, sis ve g\u00f6z ya\u015fart\u0131c\u0131 bombalarla ve coplarla m\u00fcdahale etti. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler demir \u00e7ubuklarla, sopalarla, ta\u015flarla direndi. Halk ve i\u015f\u00e7i aileleri de d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan polise ta\u015f atarak, polisi geri p\u00fcsk\u00fcrtt\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Ertesi g\u00fcn polis yeniden m\u00fcdahale etti. Bu m\u00fcdahale de ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Bunun \u00fczerine ordu devreye girdi. Fabrika 10 tank ve 15 z\u0131rhl\u0131 ara\u00e7la ku\u015fat\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler bu geli\u015fmeler \u00fczerine fabrikay\u0131 terk ettiler. <\/p>\n

Demird\u00f6k\u00fcm i\u015fgali s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n militan ruhunu g\u00f6sterdi. Haklar\u0131n\u0131 almada kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koydu. Polise kar\u015f\u0131 sergilenen militan direni\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcvenini art\u0131ran \u00f6nemli bir pratik oldu. S\u0131n\u0131f eylemin i\u00e7inde \u015fekilleniyor, \u00f6\u011freniyor ve militanla\u015f\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015fgallerle kapitalizmin ac\u0131yan yerine vurmaya devam ediyordu.<\/em><\/p>\n

1969’daki Gamak direni\u015fi, s\u0131n\u0131f tarihine \u00f6nemli bir iz b\u0131rakt\u0131. Polisle girilen \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmada \u015eerif Ayg\u00fcl ad\u0131nda bir i\u015f\u00e7i ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 yitirdi. Gamak olaylar\u0131, \u00fclkede s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin sertle\u015fmesinin a\u00e7\u0131k bir g\u00f6stergesiydi. Art\u0131k en basit ekonomik m\u00fccadeleye kar\u015f\u0131 siyasal iktidar tahamm\u00fcls\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koyuyordu ve m\u00fccadelenin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in en sert \u00f6nlemleri al\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

1970 Mart’\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Sungurlar i\u015fgali, 15-16 Haziran’a do\u011fru son fabrika i\u015fgal eylemi oldu. Sungurlar i\u015fgali s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n di\u011fer i\u015fgallerde oldu\u011fu gibi uzla\u015fmac\u0131, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i sendikal yap\u0131lardan h\u0131zla uzakla\u015farak, s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na y\u00f6nelmesi sonucu ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 sekt\u00f6rleri olan metal, maden, metalurji sekt\u00f6rleri ayaktayd\u0131. \u0130\u015fgal 52 saat s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Daha sonra Maden-\u0130\u015f sendikas\u0131yla i\u015fveren protokol imzalad\u0131. \u0130\u015fverenin bask\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrmesi \u00fczerine bir ay sonra Sungurlar i\u015f\u00e7ileri fabrikay\u0131 yeniden i\u015fgal etti. \u0130\u015fgal geni\u015f bir dayan\u0131\u015fma a\u011f\u0131yla desteklendi. Demird\u00f6k\u00fcm, Rabak, Elektrometal, Esta\u015f i\u015f\u00e7ileri i\u015fgalci i\u015f\u00e7ilerle dayan\u0131\u015fmak i\u00e7in fabrikay\u0131 ku\u015fatt\u0131. Fabrika askeri birlikler taraf\u0131ndan sar\u0131ld\u0131. Be\u015finci g\u00fcn i\u015fgale son verildi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler askeri birlik komutan\u0131n\u0131 “haklar\u0131m\u0131z verilmezse yeniden harekete ge\u00e7ece\u011fiz!” diye uyard\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kavgan\u0131n i\u00e7inde ustala\u015f\u0131yordu. Fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri hak m\u00fccadelesinin h\u0131zla anti-kapitalist m\u00fccadeleye evrildi\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi. Ve m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7inde s\u0131n\u0131f, antagonizman\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze geldi. S\u0131n\u0131fa kendi otonomisi ve ontolojisi yol g\u00f6steriyordu. \u0130\u015fgal eylemleri son derece konsantre bir \u00f6zg\u00fcven hareketiydi. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u015fekillendiren, bilin\u00e7 ve kimli\u011fini besleyen, muazzam zengin birikimler yaratan pratiklerdi.<\/em><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00f6znel ve nesnel \u015fekilleni\u015finin en iyi ifadesini 1969’da Alpagut’ta, 1970’te G\u00fcnterm kazan fabrikas\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6zy\u00f6netim pratikleriyle g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye s\u0131n\u0131f tarihinde \u00e7ok rastlanmayan bu deneyimler, bir do\u011frudan eylem ve do\u011frudan demokrasi prati\u011fiydi.<\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarihi i\u00e7inde s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z geli\u015fme dinamikleri do\u011frudan eylem pratiklerini yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, baz\u0131 kritik momentlerde de do\u011frudan demokrasi deneyimleri de ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bu \u00f6zelliklerini konsantre bir \u015fekilde (hem de geli\u015fiminin erken tarihlerinde) g\u00f6stermesi \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n

Alpagut ve G\u00fcnterm \u00f6zy\u00f6netim pratikleri s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n nas\u0131l bir d\u00fcnya istedi\u011fini somut olarak ortaya koyan eylemler oldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 reflekssel ve spontanel olarak harekete ge\u00e7ip, kendi otonomisinin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc d\u0131\u015fa vurdu.<\/em><\/p>\n

Alpagut i\u015f\u00e7ileri, Haziran 1969’da \u0131f\u0131n \u015fekillenmeisnin snin \u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterd,i<\/p>\n

,\u00e7in referandum teklifinde bulundu ama teklif reddedildi. linyit i\u015fletmesini i\u015fgal etti. 786 maden i\u015f\u00e7isi, i\u015fletmeyi 35 g\u00fcn hem y\u00f6netti, hem de faaliyetini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin i\u015fletmenin y\u00f6netimine el koymas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f tarihinde yeni bir d\u00f6nem oldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler, i\u015f\u00e7i denetimi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde son derece \u00f6nemli ad\u0131mlar att\u0131. Eski i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131larak, i\u015f\u00e7i konseyi \u015feklinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye gidildi. Konsey i\u015fletmede \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015f\u00e7ilerin onay\u0131yla ve se\u00e7im yoluyla belirlendi.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i konseyi ikili g\u00f6rev y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc; bir yandan ocaklardaki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc faaliyeti d\u00fczenledi ve denetledi, \u00f6te yandan teknik personelin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fleri kendi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i konseyi i\u015fletmede \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015f\u00e7ilerle olu\u015fturulan i\u015f\u00e7i genel kuruluna ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131. Konsey buradan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yetkiyle, i\u015fletmede \u00fcretimden y\u00f6netime, maden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sat\u0131lmas\u0131na ve gelirin nas\u0131l da\u011f\u0131t\u0131laca\u011f\u0131na kadar karar veriyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i konseyi faaliyetlerini i\u015f\u00e7i genel kuruluna a\u00e7\u0131klamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcyd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

35 g\u00fcnl\u00fck deneyim, muazzam bir pratikti. Alpagut, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin y\u00f6netime el koyma eylemiydi ve bir i\u015f\u00e7i denetimi prati\u011fiydi. Ayr\u0131ca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l bir d\u00fcnya istedi\u011finin somut bir g\u00f6stergesiydi. Alpagut deneyimi, 1970 G\u00fcnterm prati\u011fine \u0131\u015f\u0131k tuttu. G\u00fcnterm kazan fabrikas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan 80 i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccretlerinin \u00f6denmemesine kar\u015f\u0131 fabrikay\u0131 i\u015fgal etti (29 Nisan). \u0130\u015fgal “patronsuz \u00fcretime” d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc (5 Haziran). G\u00fcnterm k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli bir \u00f6zy\u00f6netim prati\u011fiydi ama i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131 ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koyuyordu.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en radikal ve en militan eylemlerinden biri olan fabrika i\u015fgalleri ve arkas\u0131ndan gelen \u00f6zy\u00f6netim pratikleri, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi gelece\u011fini ancak kendisinin kurabilece\u011fini g\u00f6stermekteydi (6). <\/em><\/p>\n

Toparlayacak olursak, 1960’lar T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizminin bir evresini simgeledi. Kapitalizm y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar yaratarak geni\u015fleme d\u00f6nemine girmi\u015fti. T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizmi 1963-1971 aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde % 9 b\u00fcy\u00fcme g\u00f6sterdi. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 bir yan\u0131yla da s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015favurdu. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi b\u00fct\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekli\u011fiyle ortadayd\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 uzun bir biriktirme d\u00f6neminden sonra, 1960’larla birlikte toplumsal ve siyasal a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaya ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

1960 T\u00fcrkiye’sinde \u00fccretlilerin, faal n\u00fcfus i\u00e7indeki oran\u0131 % 13 iken, 1970’te % 23’e ula\u015ft\u0131. 1960 y\u0131l\u0131nda i\u015fletme ba\u015f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fen i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131 kamuda 584, \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6rde 32 iken bu durum 1970’te kamuda 744’e, \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6rde 70’e y\u00fckseldi. Ayn\u0131 tarihlerde i\u015fletmelerin \u00f6l\u00e7ekleri (i\u00e7e d\u00f6n\u00fck sermaye birikimi ve uygulanan \u00fcretim tekni\u011fi olan fordizmin etkisiyle) b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. Ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak 100’den fazla i\u015f\u00e7i \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran ve 1000 i\u015f\u00e7i \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran i\u015fletmelerin say\u0131s\u0131 \u00f6nemli oranda artt\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 geleneksel sanayi kentleri olan; \u0130stanbul, Kocaeli-Gebze havzas\u0131 ve \u0130zmir, Bursa ve Zonguldak gibi illerde yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme d\u00fczeyi de artt\u0131. 1960’lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda 300 bine yak\u0131n sendikal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i varken, \u00f6zellikle D\u0130SK’in kurulu\u015fu ve s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 politikalar\u0131, bir sendikala\u015fma dalgas\u0131 yaratt\u0131. 1970’te sendikal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131 1 milyonu a\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Her i\u015f\u00e7i eylemi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u015fekillendirdi, hatta sendikal \u00e7eperlerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeni aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ortaya koydu. \u00d6zellikle fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri ve \u00f6zy\u00f6netim pratikleri b\u00fcnyesinde muazzam anti-kapitalist birikimler ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f her f\u0131rsatta anti-kapitalist bir mecrada y\u00fcr\u00fcnmesi gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi. Bu anlamda her eylemi bir anti-kapitalist manifesto olarak okumak gerekir.<\/em> Yine ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde i\u015f\u00e7i eylemlerinde senkronize bir art\u0131\u015f ve yo\u011funla\u015fma g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Eylemler bazen devlet g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle a\u00e7\u0131k \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Me\u015fru, militan, kararl\u0131 ve uzun soluklu radikal pratikler ya\u015fand\u0131. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde greve \u00e7\u0131kan i\u015f\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131 120 bini buldu. 1963’te grevde kaybedilen g\u00fcn say\u0131s\u0131 20 bine yak\u0131nken, 6 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde bu say\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 18 kat\u0131na, yani 360 bine y\u00fckseldi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 grevler, sert direni\u015fler ve i\u015fgal eylemleriyle beslendi. S\u0131n\u0131f zengin, \u00e7ok boyutlu ve militan eylemler ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Grevleri fabrika i\u015fgalleri ve do\u011frudan demokrasi pratikleri izledi.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte bu her fabrika da, her i\u015fyerinde ya\u015fanan birikimler ve deneyimler, birle\u015ferek 15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n zeminlerini \u00f6rd\u00fc. Her grev, her direni\u015f, her fabrika i\u015fgal eylemi ve \u00f6zy\u00f6netim pratikleri 15-16 Haziran’a giden yolu a\u00e7t\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 birikti, birikti, birikti… bir diyalektik kural olarak muazzam bir patlamaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. 15-16 Haziran s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kolektif aya\u011fa kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve 150 y\u0131ll\u0131k “sab\u0131rl\u0131 bir birikimin” patlamas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran: T\u00fcrkiye’yi sarsan iki g\u00fcn<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n

1970’lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i, k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve gen\u00e7lik hareketi dalgasal y\u00fckseli\u015f i\u00e7indeydi. 1960’lar\u0131n ilk y\u0131llar\u0131ndan beri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 toplumsal m\u00fccadelenin eksenine yerle\u015fmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi giderek sertle\u015fiyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 her yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 eylemde, \u00f6zellikle fabrika i\u015fgal eylemleri ve do\u011frudan demokrasi deneyimlerinde, s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizmaya i\u015faret ediyor, vurguyu anti-kapitalist m\u00fccadeleye yap\u0131yordu. Sermaye d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131yordu. S\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin yarataca\u011f\u0131 tehlikenin fark\u0131ndayd\u0131. Bu sermayenin kolektif bilincinin ve deneyimlerin ifadesiydi.<\/p>\n

Osmanl\u0131’dan gelen, TC’de rafine bir \u015fekilde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bask\u0131yla ezilmesi, denetlenmesi, kontrol alt\u0131nda tutulmas\u0131 gelene\u011fi s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devlete ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ve itaatkar bir kimli\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6nlemler al\u0131nmaya ba\u015fland\u0131. Antagonizman\u0131n sermaye cephesi sert bir sava\u015fa haz\u0131rlan\u0131yordu. En ba\u015fta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcveninin ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekiyordu.<\/p>\n

\u0130lk hedefte s\u0131n\u0131fa g\u00fcven veren ve s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinde h\u0131zl\u0131 bir \u015fekillenmeye yol a\u00e7an D\u0130SK oldu. 1970 y\u0131l\u0131nda 274 say\u0131l\u0131 Sendikalar Kanunu ve 275 say\u0131s\u0131 Toplu \u0130\u015f S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi Grev ve Lokavt Kanunu’nda de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri \u00f6ng\u00f6ren iki kanun tasar\u0131s\u0131 parlamentoya sunuldu.<\/p>\n

Sendikal haklar\u0131 daraltan ve devlet sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7an bu yasa tasar\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n hedefi D\u0130SK’ti. Sermaye ve siyasal iktidar D\u0130SK’in \u00f6rg\u00fctsel g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc par\u00e7alamak ve da\u011f\u0131tmak istiyordu. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yo\u011fun bir demoralizasyon s\u00fcrecine sokulmas\u0131 hesaplan\u0131yordu. Sendikal alanda devlet g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f, tek se\u00e7enek olarak s\u0131n\u0131fa dayat\u0131l\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Sermayenin ve siyasal iktidar\u0131n bu sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 son derece sert bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k buldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, \u00f6zellikle 1960’lar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6nemli momentlerinde birikmi\u015f ve h\u0131zla \u015fekillenmi\u015fti. Yeni bask\u0131 yasalar\u0131 patlamay\u0131 tetikledi. S\u0131n\u0131f bir volkan gibi patlad\u0131. Onun gibi sarst\u0131, alt\u00fcst etti, muazzam y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koydu.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n tarihi boyunca ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi en radikal eylemdi. Bir ayaklanma i\u00e7eri\u011findeydi ve bir ayaklanman\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn dinamiklerini i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131yordu. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bu b\u00fcy\u00fck aya\u011fa kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir doruktu. Her ne kadar eylemler yasalara, parlamentoya ve siyasal iktidara y\u00f6nelik ba\u015flasa da, buradan “ba\u015fka” yerlere y\u00f6nelmesi ve ba\u015fka i\u00e7eri\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnmesi olas\u0131l\u0131k dahilindeydi. Zaten eylemin geli\u015fim s\u00fcreci bunu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc eylem yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve sokaklarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyordu. Fabrikalar sokaklarla, sokaklar fabrikayla birle\u015fmi\u015fti. Bu 10 y\u0131llar\u0131n \u00f6zlemiydi ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karacak i\u00e7erikteydi. “Yaln\u0131zca” eksik olan s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karacak kom\u00fcnist partiydi.<\/p>\n

Dikkat \u00e7eken en \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmelerden biri, daha \u00f6nce a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kta i\u015fyerleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalan eylemler, 15-16 Haziran’da sokakla ve di\u011fer fabrikalarla birle\u015fti. Bunun ilk provalar\u0131 1968-1969’daki bir dizi fabrika i\u015fgal eylemlerinde yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sar\u0131-gangster “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z” sendikalardan ya da devlet g\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fcndeki T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’ten ayr\u0131l\u0131p D\u0130SK’e ge\u00e7i\u015fleri ve \u00fcye olmalar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ilgin\u00e7 \u015feyler ya\u015fand\u0131. D\u0130SK \u00fcyesi ba\u015fka fabrikalarda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7iler, yeni \u00fcye olacak fabrikalar\u0131 adeta ku\u015fatarak, hem i\u015f\u00e7ileri korudu, hem de dayan\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\n

Bu deneyimler \u00f6nemli birikimlerdi. 15-16 Haziran g\u00fcnlerinde hem Gebze-Kocaeli hatt\u0131 ve Ankara asfalt\u0131 boyunca, hem Mecidiyek\u00f6y hatt\u0131nda, hem de Topkap\u0131 hatt\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7iler, eyleme fabrika fabrika kat\u0131ld\u0131. Yani bir ba\u015fka tan\u0131mlamayla s\u0131n\u0131f mevzi sava\u015f\u0131ndan, 15-16 Haziran’la birlikte a\u00e7\u0131k sava\u015fa ge\u00e7ti. 15-16 Haziran bu anlam\u0131yla son derece sars\u0131c\u0131 i\u00e7erikteydi. \u00d6rne\u011fin Gebze’den Kad\u0131k\u00f6y’e 45 kilometre y\u00fcr\u00fcyen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fck, fabrika fabrika birle\u015ferek uzun bir y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi. Bu y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f (Rumeli yakas\u0131ndakiler gibi) son derece d\u00fczenli, disiplinli ve etkiliydi. Askeri birlikler s\u0131k s\u0131k y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesti. Hatta askerlere baz\u0131 yerlerde (\u00c7ay\u0131rova Ar\u00e7elik fabrikas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki gibi) vur emri verildi. Ama i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 en ufak geri ad\u0131m atmad\u0131. O zaman n\u00fcfusu 700 bin olan \u0130stanbul’un \u00fc\u00e7 taraf\u0131ndan 100 bin i\u015f\u00e7iyle ku\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve caddelerin ve alanlar\u0131n i\u015fgal edilmesi, Kad\u0131k\u00f6y’de \u00e7\u0131kan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda polisin ve askerin tekrar tekrar p\u00fcsk\u00fcrt\u00fclmesi, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin dip\u00e7i\u011fe, s\u00fcng\u00fcye ve kur\u015funa ra\u011fmen Rumeli yakas\u0131ndaki yolda\u015flar\u0131yla bulu\u015fma \u0131srar\u0131 muhte\u015femdir. \u0130ki polisin \u00fc\u00e7 i\u015f\u00e7iyi \u00f6ld\u00fcrmesine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, \u00f6nce i\u00e7e do\u011fru \u00e7ekilen kitlenin daha sonra kapanmas\u0131yla iki polisin lin\u00e7 edilmesi eylemin boyutunu ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6fkesini g\u00f6stermektedir. Rumeli yakas\u0131 da kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Topkap\u0131 hatt\u0131ndan gelen i\u015f\u00e7ilerin Ca\u011falo\u011flu’na girmesiyle \u00f6nleri tanklarla kesilir. Valilik tanklarla korunur. Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00e7\u00fcler \u00f6nlerindeki barikat\u0131 ve tanklar\u0131 elleri ve g\u00f6vdeleriyle a\u015farlar. Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00e7\u00fclerin i\u00e7inden bir kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7inin o anda “hadi valili\u011fi de alal\u0131m” s\u00f6zleri hi\u00e7 de yabana at\u0131lacak s\u00f6zler de\u011fildir. Valili\u011fe bir nedenle el koyulmas\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6ken devlet otoritesinin resmi tescili olacakt\u0131. O atmosfer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7inin s\u00f6zlerinin ger\u00e7ek olmas\u0131 i\u015ften bile de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n

Bu ve benzer \u00f6rnekleri \u00e7o\u011faltmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Ayaklanma tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 yaparken Rusya’daki 1905 devrimiyle k\u0131yaslad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda \u00f6nemli veriler yakalayabiliriz.<\/p>\n

\u00d6nce eksantrik ki\u015fili\u011fiyle dikkat \u00e7eken, daha sonra Rus gizli servisi Okhrana taraf\u0131ndan manip\u00fcle edilen Papaz Gapon, 1904 y\u0131l\u0131yla birlikte sanayi merkezlerinde bir\u00e7ok Gaponist dernek kurdu.<\/p>\n

Bu derneklerin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131n esas amac\u0131 Rus i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda 1900’l\u00fc y\u0131llara girilmesiyle ba\u015flayan h\u0131zla siyasalla\u015fma e\u011filimini engellemekti. Bu y\u00f6nelim \u00f6nce Moskova Okhrana \u015fefi Zabatov taraf\u0131ndan kurulan, Zabatovist sendikalar (polis sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131) taraf\u0131ndan engellenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131 ama ba\u015far\u0131lamad\u0131. \u00c7arl\u0131k benzer bir operasyonu Gaponist derneklerle yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Hatta Gapon’a bu anlamda olanaklar sunuldu. Say\u0131lar\u0131 onu ge\u00e7en Gaponist derneklerin her birine 2-3 bin i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fcyeydi. 1905 \u015eubat’\u0131nda Rus i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kalbi olan Putilov fabrikas\u0131ndan at\u0131lan i\u015f\u00e7iler Gaponist derneklere ba\u015fvurdu. \u00d6nce bu i\u015f\u00e7ilerin i\u015fe geri al\u0131nmas\u0131 \u00fczerinden ba\u015flayan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar, son derece yal\u0131n \u015fekilde ifade edilen temel haklar bildirisinin haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 ve \u00e7ara verilmesi \u015feklinde bi\u00e7im ald\u0131. Bu s\u0131rada derneklerde \u00f6rt\u00fck faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fcten Bol\u015fevik ve Men\u015fevik kadrolar dilek\u00e7enin mahiyetini geli\u015ftirdi. Ve daha sonra binlerce i\u015f\u00e7inin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla K\u0131\u015fl\u0131k Saray’a y\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcp \u00e7ara \u015fikayette bulunulmak istendi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ar efsanesi s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Ve \u00e7ar Rus halk\u0131n\u0131n babas\u0131yd\u0131, koruyucusu ve kurtar\u0131c\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131. \u00c7ara \u015fikayet edilen b\u00fcrokratlar ve aristokrasiydi; sorunlar\u0131 bunlar yarat\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

10 binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i ellerinde ha\u00e7larla, tam bir dini t\u00f6ren havas\u0131nda K\u0131\u015fl\u0131k Saray’a do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Ama i\u015f\u00e7iler hi\u00e7 “beklenmedikleri” bir \u015feyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Saray\u0131n damlar\u0131ndan makineli t\u00fcfeklerle \u00fczerilerine ate\u015f a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. Rus ordusunun vurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc olan atl\u0131 Kazak birlikleri k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7larla sald\u0131rd\u0131. Binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i a\u00e7\u0131lan ate\u015f ve k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 darbeleriyle \u00f6ld\u00fc. Bu katliam Rus devrim tarihine Kanl\u0131 Pazar olarak ge\u00e7ti. Kanl\u0131 Pazar y\u00fczy\u0131llar\u0131 kapsayan \u00e7arl\u0131k efsanesinin sonu oldu ve 1905 devriminin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faretledi. 15-16 Haziran’\u0131, 1905 devrimini tetikleyen Kanl\u0131 Pazar’la k\u0131yaslad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda ne derece \u00f6nemli bir eylem oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran’a a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kla yap\u0131lan bir vurgu da eylemin kendili\u011findenci bir karakterde geli\u015fti\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndedir. Bu vurgu eylemi istemeden de olsa k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseyici, ya da s\u0131n\u0131rlay\u0131c\u0131 bir vurgudur. Eldeki veriler, ya\u015fayan tan\u0131klar 15-16 Haziran’\u0131n organizasyonsuz ve haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011fini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Belki yeterli ya da tam organizasyonlu olmasa bile eyleme haz\u0131rl\u0131klar yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. D\u0130SK’li i\u015f\u00e7iler, T\u0130P k\u00f6kenli i\u015f\u00e7iler, i\u015fgal ve grevlerde \u015fekillenen \u00f6nder ve devrimci i\u015f\u00e7iler eylemin \u00f6n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinde yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Direni\u015f Komiteleri gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri kurulmas\u0131 \u00f6nemlidir. Ama eylem o kadar muazzam bir boyut kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, hi\u00e7 kimse bu boyutu hesaplayamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Aynen bir\u00e7ok devrimci geli\u015fme, ayaklanma ve isyanda oldu\u011fu gibi…<\/p>\n

Burada \u015funu belirtmekte yarar var. Her b\u00fcy\u00fck ayaklanma, hareket a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kta zaten kendili\u011findenci geli\u015fir ve patlar. Kendili\u011findencilik bir anlamda irade yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Binlerce, milyonlarca iradenin yo\u011funla\u015fma halidir. Ayr\u0131ca kendili\u011findencilik s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n otonomisidir. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n potansiyel g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Yarat\u0131c\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n makro \u00f6l\u00e7ekte y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 arzusunun ya da arzunun y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131d\u0131r. Volantrizm ve determinizm aras\u0131nda diyalektik bir harmoni vard\u0131r. Parti zaten bu zemin \u00fczerinden kendini var eder, volantrizmini buradan in\u015fa eder. Bu zemin bir anlamda diyalektik geli\u015fmenin ya da diyalektik sarmal\u0131n kendisidir. \u00d6z olarak 15-16 Haziran’a kolayca kendili\u011findenci vurgusu yapmak yerine, hareketin i\u00e7 dinamikleri \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmekte yarar var. S\u0131n\u0131f 15-16 Haziran’la birlikte 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n birinci \u00e7eyre\u011finden beri olu\u015fturdu\u011fu, kurdu\u011fu tarihine sahip \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lardan eylemi yeniden okudu\u011fumuzda, eylemin muazzaml\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. 15-16 Haziran eylemleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015firken ve sonras\u0131nda T\u0130P ve D\u0130SK s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anafordan \u00e7ekindi. Her d\u00fczeyde s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ata\u011fa kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan korktu. \u0130ki yap\u0131 da s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kontrol etmek istedi ve devletle a\u00e7\u0131k \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 engelleyici tutum ald\u0131. Ve h\u0131zla sa\u011fa kayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca s\u00fcre\u00e7 bir boyutuyla 1964’te Brezilya’da ba\u015flayan emperyal konseptin devam\u0131, di\u011fer boyutuyla toplumsal muhalefetin y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve TC kapitalizminin yeni entegrasyon politikalar\u0131 ya da uluslararas\u0131 yeni i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn gere\u011fi olarak 12 Mart fa\u015fist darbesiyle sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Kar\u015f\u0131 devrimin temel hedefi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve devrimci yap\u0131lar oldu. 15-16 Haziran’\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri olan s\u0131n\u0131f militanlar\u0131 tam anlam\u0131yla yaln\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130\u015ften at\u0131ld\u0131. Kara listeye al\u0131nd\u0131. Direni\u015fler, grevler ve i\u015fgaller i\u00e7inde \u015fekillenen bu militanlar a\u00e7l\u0131kla terbiye edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. En ba\u015fta D\u0130SK bu i\u015f\u00e7ileri yaln\u0131z b\u0131rakt\u0131 ve sahip \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131. Bu devletin bir nevi terbiye etme operasyonuydu. 12 Mart bir yan\u0131yla da sistemden kopan ve devletle a\u00e7\u0131k \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya giren 1971 devrimci hareketlerinin t\u00fcm \u00f6nder kadrolar\u0131n\u0131 imha ederek, umudu bo\u011fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 12 Mart kar\u015f\u0131 devrimiyle sermaye iki y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 ve tehlikeli g\u00fc\u00e7ten kurtuldu. \u00d6nce 1960-1970 aras\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015flar\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u015fekillenen i\u015f\u00e7i militanlar\u0131 tasfiye edildi. Daha sonra devrimin bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00f6nder kadrolar\u0131 fiilen imha edildi. Bu s\u0131n\u0131f devrimcili\u011finin bir ba\u011flamda \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesme ve ku\u015faklar aras\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131 yok etme operasyonuydu. Ve ne yaz\u0131k ki ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir operasyon oldu.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizminin 1950’lerde ba\u015flayan, 1960’larda belirli a\u015famaya gelen entegrasyon s\u00fcreci, toplumsal yap\u0131da da son derece sars\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1960 askeri darbesi bu anlamda kapitalizmin bir stabilizasyon hamlesiydi. Hamleyle sanayi burjuvazisinin istemleri ve ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde d\u00fczenlemeler yap\u0131ld\u0131. B\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin tasfiyesi ama\u00e7land\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 ya da kapitalizmin geni\u015fleme s\u00fcreci, hem k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck i\u00e7inde, hem de k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi i\u00e7inde sars\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar yaratt\u0131. K\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck h\u0131zla yoksulla\u015fma, m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fme s\u00fcrecine girdi. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi proleterle\u015fme “tehlikesini” hissetti. Bu iki b\u00fcy\u00fck sosyal tabaka yani k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6fkesi ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin radikalle\u015fmesi, 1960’l\u0131 y\u0131llara damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurdu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin dipten gelen ve kapitalizmin ontolojisine vuran hamleleri, ataklar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi. H\u0131zla geli\u015fen, kitleselle\u015fen ya da etki alan\u0131 yaratan k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6fkesi ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva radikalizmi T\u00fcrkiye’nin ana sol ak\u0131mlar\u0131na hakim oldu. Kom\u00fcnist partinin mayalanaca\u011f\u0131, geli\u015fece\u011fi, g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanaca\u011f\u0131, hatta do\u011faca\u011f\u0131 rahim g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi, es ge\u00e7ildi. 1960 sonras\u0131 dalga dalga b\u00fcy\u00fcyen i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi, bir yandan toplumsal maddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi, \u00f6te yandan i\u015fgal eylemleriyle hedefin kapitalizm olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini vurgulad\u0131, Alpagut’la s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n nas\u0131l bir d\u00fcnya istedi\u011finin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdi, 15-16 Haziran’la bu d\u00fcnyaya nas\u0131l ve kiminle ula\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret etti. Ne var ki b\u00fct\u00fcn bu i\u015faretler ve vurgular g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi ve anla\u015f\u0131lamad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bunun temel nedeni ideolojik ve politik hatt\u0131 ya da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurucu \u00f6znesi oldu\u011fu bir kom\u00fcnizmin istenip, istenmedi\u011fiydi.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin doru\u011funu simgeliyordu. Tam bu noktada kom\u00fcnist partisinin olmamas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck dalgan\u0131n geri \u00e7ekilmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Yani 15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin bir yan\u0131yla zirvesiyken, \u00f6te yan\u0131yla geri \u00e7ekili\u015fini i\u015faretledi.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye devrimci hareketi 15-16 Haziran’da oldu\u011fu gibi ne yaz\u0131k ki, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin her y\u00fckseli\u015f d\u00f6neminin arkas\u0131nda kald\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemlerin \u00f6nemini anlayamad\u0131. Tari\u015f direni\u015finde oldu\u011fu gibi, 1989 Bahar Eylemleri ve 1991 Zonguldak Uzun Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc yakalanamad\u0131, anla\u015f\u0131lamad\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketindeki dalgasal geli\u015fmeler devrimin imkan\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclemedi. En ba\u015fta bu geli\u015fmeler devrimin imkan\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi. S\u0131n\u0131f nesneler y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olarak ele al\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sermaye ise en etkili \u00f6nlemlerini ald\u0131. 15-16 Haziran’dan sonra 1971 devrimcilerini imha ederken, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n militanlar\u0131n\u0131 da tasfiye etti. A\u00e7l\u0131\u011fa ve i\u015fsizli\u011fe mahkum etti. Ard\u0131ndan 1973’ten sonra, TKP ve CHP’nin bir anlamda \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131. Geli\u015fmeler bir boyutuyla So\u011fuk Sava\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131ndaki Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve ABD aras\u0131ndaki makro dengenin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, di\u011fer boyutuyla s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin siyasalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ekonomizmin bata\u011f\u0131nda \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctmek i\u00e7in uygulanan bir taktikti. Bu arada TKP’nin bir devrim yapmama partisi gibi faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fctmesi ve misyon y\u00fcklenmesi bo\u015funa de\u011fildi. 1973-1980 aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinde bir dizi \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmeler (1 May\u0131s’lar, DGM direni\u015fleri, Fa\u015fizme \u0130htar Eylemi, Tari\u015f direni\u015fi gibi) olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, s\u0131n\u0131f TKP ve CHP’nin kontrol\u00fcnde tutuldu, \u0131slah ve terbiye edildi.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcn geldi\u011finde zaten yapacak \u00e7ok bir \u015fey kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 12 Eyl\u00fcl’le birlikte TKP ve CHP’li “s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6nderlerinin”, sendika y\u00f6neticilerinin bavullar\u0131yla birlikte Selimiye k\u0131\u015flas\u0131na teslim olmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 b\u00f6ylece bir kez daha a\u011f\u0131r bir darbe yiyordu. Ve bir kez daha aldat\u0131l\u0131yor, yok say\u0131l\u0131yordu. B\u00fcrokratizm, burjuva reformculuk ve ekonomizm s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcvenini da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan gelen fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131k zoru s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n i\u00e7e kapanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n

1970’li y\u0131llardaki k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva ve pop\u00fclist yap\u0131lar\u0131n ise zaten s\u0131n\u0131fla pek dertleri olmad\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f revizyonizmin ve reformizmin denetimine b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

K\u0131saca s\u0131n\u0131f kendi devrimcileriyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme ve kayna\u015fma \u015fans\u0131 bulamad\u0131.<\/p>\n

2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak bir 15-16 Haziran’\u0131n mahiyeti bu boyutta ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Yoksa 15-16 Haziran fi tarihinde kalan bir anma g\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildir. Sonu\u00e7 olarak \u00f6zetlersek:<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran kavgad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran anti kapitalist bir manifestodur.<\/p>\n

Anti kapitalizm teorisi, prati\u011fi ve yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlerle kom\u00fcnizmin kendisidir.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran s\u0131n\u0131f devrimcili\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran s\u0131n\u0131ftan \u00f6\u011frenmeyi esas almakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran bug\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran bir devrimci-politik g\u00fcc\u00fcn var olaca\u011f\u0131 ve mana kazanaca\u011f\u0131 yeri i\u015faret eder: O da s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, anti-kapitalist m\u00fccadeledir.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran devrimin imkan\u0131n\u0131n nereden yarat\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faretlemektedir.<\/p>\n

Devrimin imkan\u0131 yaln\u0131zca ve yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7inde aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ayr\u0131ca kom\u00fcnizmin imkan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kom\u00fcnizmin kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ve \u00f6znesinin harekete ge\u00e7irili\u015fi demektir.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye devrimci hareketi, s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131 genellikle ideoloji ve \u00f6nderlik olarak ele ald\u0131. Bu ba\u011flamda kendini ifade etti ve kendini s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n temsiline ve \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcne indirgedi. Ama ne s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n evrenini tan\u0131d\u0131, ne de kendi evreniyle, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n evrenini organikle\u015ftirdi. Onu nesneler y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi gelece\u011fini, yaln\u0131zca kendisinin kurabilece\u011fini es ge\u00e7ti. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 ve kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc anlayamad\u0131, bu diyalekti\u011fi g\u00f6rmedi.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131fa bak\u0131\u015f nas\u0131l bir kom\u00fcnizm istedi\u011fimize de bir cevapt\u0131r. Kom\u00fcnizmin kurucu \u00f6znesini s\u0131n\u0131f olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorsak, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn acil g\u00f6revi 15-16 Haziran’lar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anti-kapitalist manifestoyu hayata ge\u00e7irmektir. Yani s\u0131n\u0131f devrimcili\u011fidir. Yani s\u0131n\u0131fla dirsek temas\u0131 de\u011fil, organikle\u015fmektir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi gibi bizi de \u015fekillendirecektir.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kom\u00fcnistler s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine mana veren ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7inde mana kazananlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131 yolumuzu ayd\u0131nlatmaya devam ediyor.<\/p>\n

Dipnotlar: <\/strong><\/p>\n

(1) <\/strong>S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bu \u00f6zellikleri ve karakteri ba\u015fka bir yaz\u0131n\u0131n ya da kitap \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n konusudur. \u00d6rne\u011fin Osmanl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kozmopolit yap\u0131s\u0131, Osmanl\u0131’da kapitalist birikim, sermaye yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n karakteri, ilk s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri, ilk pratikler, grevler ve direni\u015fler, sosyalist hareketlerin rol\u00fc, T.C.’nin kurulu\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f profili ve kom\u00fcnist hareket, 1908-1923 diyalekti\u011fi \u0130ttihat Terakki-Kemalizm ili\u015fkisi, kapitalizmin “geli\u015fme” dinamikleri, s\u0131n\u0131fa etkisi, d\u00fcnden bug\u00fcne s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nma ve \u0131slah edilme operasyonlar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin do\u011fu\u015f ve geli\u015fme dinamikleri, tarihsel momentlerde bi\u00e7im al\u0131\u015f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n m\u00fccadele, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme gelene\u011fi ve deneyimleri, bunun bilin\u00e7 ve kimli\u011fine etkisi gibi bir\u00e7ok konu ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na incelenmesi gereken konulard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

(2) <\/strong>1961 Anayasa’s\u0131n\u0131 bu paralelde de\u011ferlendirmek gerekir. Genellikle anayasa i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan “ilerici” vurgular son derece hatal\u0131 tan\u0131mlamalard\u0131r. Anayasa, altyap\u0131daki kapitalist geli\u015fmenin ve alt\u00fcst olu\u015fun \u00fcst yap\u0131daki yans\u0131malar\u0131n\u0131 ifade etti. K\u0131saca Max Weber’in rasyonel kapitalizm diye tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131, kapitalist rasyonelin gere\u011fi olarak g\u00fcndeme geldi. Ayn\u0131 anayasada y\u00fcr\u00fctme erkini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren d\u00fczenlemelerin yap\u0131lmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu d\u00fczenlemeler 12 Mart ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl fa\u015fist darbelerine bir yandan me\u015fruiyet kazand\u0131rd\u0131, \u00f6te yandan kurulan “yeni” devlet-toplum-birey ili\u015fkisinin hukuki zeminini a\u00e7t\u0131. 1960 askeri darbesiyle ayn\u0131 tarihlerde \u0130ran’da Ak Devrim ad\u0131nda ve M\u0131s\u0131r’da benzer darbelerin yap\u0131lmas\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekmektedir. 1960’lar bir anlamda kapitalist-emperyalist sistemle, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda yeni i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn bir g\u00f6stergesi oldu. Ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalist stabilizasyon y\u00f6n\u00fcnde i\u015flev g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

(3) <\/strong>TC farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fma dinamiklerini bo\u011fmak i\u00e7in \u00e7e\u015fitli taktikler geli\u015ftirdi. Takrir-i S\u00fckun, 141-142 gibi son derece bask\u0131c\u0131, fa\u015fizan yasalar\u0131n yan\u0131nda, devlet g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler de yaratt\u0131. T.C. uluslararas\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn de etkisiyle 1947’de sendikalar yasas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131. II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 ve fa\u015fizmin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra \u00e7\u0131kan bu yasan\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinde yarataca\u011f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z mobilizasyon, siyasi iktidar\u0131n hemen tedbirler almas\u0131na neden oldu. \u00d6nce CHP, daha sonra DP (1949’da) kendi g\u00fcd\u00fcmlerinde \u00e7e\u015fitli i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri kurdu. CHP \u0130stanbul \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Sendikalar\u0131 Birli\u011fi’ni kurarken, DP H\u00fcr \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Sendikalar\u0131 Birli\u011fi’ni kurdu (1950). Daha sonra bu iki yap\u0131 birle\u015fip \u0130stanbul \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Sendikalar\u0131 Birli\u011fi kuruldu. Bu birlik T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f’in embriyosu i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

(4) <\/strong>24 Temmuz 1963’te y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe giren 275 say\u0131l\u0131 Toplu \u0130\u015f S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi, Grev ve Lokavt Yasas\u0131 bu y\u00f6ndeki ad\u0131mlardan biri oldu. Kavel Direni\u015fi bu yasan\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131nda ciddi rol oynad\u0131. Ne var ki sermaye bu yasayla lokavt\u0131 da yasalla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Burjuvazi lokavtla \u00f6nlemini al\u0131yor, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kopara kopara alma gelene\u011fini k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in yukar\u0131dan d\u00fczenlemeler yap\u0131yordu. Bu d\u00fczenlemelerin mimar\u0131n\u0131n B\u00fclent Ecevit olmas\u0131 misyonunu daha o zamandan belli ediyordu.<\/p>\n

(5) <\/strong>1845 Polis Nizamnamesi, 1909 Tatil-i E\u015fgal Kanunu Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6neminde s\u0131n\u0131f hareketini k\u0131rma, sindirme ve kontrol etme yasalar\u0131 olarak devreye sokuldu. Uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazi 1830-1848 devrimlerinden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131klar\u0131 dersleri yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerde, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu’nda hayata ge\u00e7irdi. T.C. d\u00f6neminde de benzer uygulamalar devam etti. \u00d6zellikle 1917 Ekim Devrimi ve Avrupa’y\u0131 saran i\u015f\u00e7i hareketleri Kemalistleri \u00f6nlem almaya itti.<\/p>\n

(6) <\/strong>1960-1980 aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f hareketine damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran i\u015f\u00e7i eylemleri ve yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkileri hakk\u0131nda daha fazla bilgi almak i\u00e7in bkz; Volkan Yara\u015f\u0131r, Sokakta Politika<\/em>, Genda\u015f Yay., 2001.; Volkan Yara\u015f\u0131r, \u0130\u015fgal Direni\u015f Grev<\/em>, Mephisto Yay., 2006.<\/p>\n

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Tweet<\/a><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131 \/15-16 Haziran i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarihinin en \u00f6nemli eylemlerinden biridir. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n toplumsal ve maddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koyan bu eylem, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizman\u0131n \u00e7\u0131plak ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi. 15-16 Haziran i\u00e7eri\u011fi, etki g\u00fcc\u00fc, devletle a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ifade etmesi, etkiledi\u011fi kesimler ve yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ruh hali ve atmosferle tipik […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_gspb_post_css":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[28],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-943","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-sinifhareketi"],"blocksy_meta":[],"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/943","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=943"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/943\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=943"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=943"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=943"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}