{"id":880,"date":"2008-04-08T21:49:53","date_gmt":"2008-04-08T19:49:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/wp.mehmetcanyuece.com\/2008\/04\/08\/tek-parti-olsun-temiz-olsun-ayse-huer\/"},"modified":"2008-04-08T21:49:53","modified_gmt":"2008-04-08T19:49:53","slug":"tek-parti-olsun-temiz-olsun-ayse-huer","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/tek-parti-olsun-temiz-olsun-ayse-huer\/","title":{"rendered":"Tek Parti Olsun, Temiz Olsun! \/Ay\u015fe H\u00fcr"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n \t<\/i> Read Time:<\/span>12 Minute, 52 Second <\/div>\n\n <\/div>

AKP ve DTP’ye y\u00f6nelik harekat, gazeteci Ahmet Emin Yalman’\u0131n “Biz zaten \u0130stiklal M\u00fccadelesi’nin sonundan beri, \u00e7ok partili bir demokrasiyi de\u011fil, bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve <\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0131slahat milli misak\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesine kadar devam edecek bir milli blok fikrini hararetle m\u00fcdafaa ediyorduk” s\u00f6zlerini hat\u0131rlatt\u0131. Yalman’\u0131n kastetti\u011fi \u2018milli blok’ elbette Cumhuriyet Halk F\u0131rkas\u0131’yd\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekten de, Mustafa Kemal ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere d\u00f6nemin \u00f6nde gelenleri demokrasi ve \u00e7ok partili rejim hakk\u0131nda hi\u00e7 de olumlu duygular ta\u015f\u0131mam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu kadrolar, kendilerine y\u00f6neltilen ele\u015ftirileri ise, alelacele \u2018\u015fekl\u00ee’ bir demokrasiye ge\u00e7mek yerine, halk\u0131 \u2018ger\u00e7ek’ demokrasi i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanmak gerekir diye savu\u015fturmu\u015flard\u0131r. Peki bu a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda samimi miydiler? Gelin birlikte karar verelim.<\/p>\n

16 Eyl\u00fcl 1924’te Trabzon’da bir konu\u015fma yapan Mustafa Kemal, ba\u015fkan\u0131 oldu\u011fu Cumhuriyet Halk F\u0131rkas\u0131’n\u0131n meziyetlerini, kendisinin \u00fclke i\u00e7in ne \u00f6nemli i\u015fler yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatm\u0131\u015f, parti ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rakmadan cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in kendisini ele\u015ftirenlere adeta meydan okuyarak “B\u00fct\u00fcn cihan bilsin ki benim i\u00e7in bir tarafl\u0131k vard\u0131r, O da cumhuriyet taraftarl\u0131\u011f\u0131” demi\u015fti. Ama herkes bu \u2018bir taraf’\u0131n asl\u0131nda Cumhuriyet Halk F\u0131rkas\u0131 oldu\u011funu anlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Nitekim birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn sonra Samsun’da konuya a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirdi: Ona g\u00f6re mevcut partiden ayr\u0131lmak fikri \u2018alelade particilikti ki memleket ve milletin huzur ve emniyet \u015fartlar\u0131, hen\u00fcz b\u00f6yle bir par\u00e7alanmaya izin verecek durumda’ de\u011fildi! G\u00f6r\u00fclen oydu ki, \u00e7ok partili d\u00fczene ge\u00e7meye hevesli olanlar, \u2018memleketi b\u00f6lmeye niyetli hainler’ olarak yaftalanacaklard\u0131. Ancak bunu g\u00f6ze alanlar\u0131n oldu\u011fu k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

TERAKK\u0130PERVERLER.<\/strong> 17 Kas\u0131m 1924’te, yeni bir partinin kuruldu\u011fu haberi kamuoyuna bomba gibi d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. CHF’li 22 milletvekili taraf\u0131ndan kurulan Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131’n\u0131n (TpCF) kurucular\u0131 aras\u0131nda Kaz\u0131m (Karabekir) Pa\u015fa gibi muhafazakar milliyet\u00e7iler, Rauf (Orbay) gibi me\u015frutiyet\u00e7iler, Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) gibi sab\u0131k Bol\u015feviklik asmpatizanlar\u0131, \u0130smail (Canpolat) gibi \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar, Adnan (Ad\u0131var) gibi bilim adamlar\u0131, H\u00fcseyin Avni (Ula\u015f) gibi liberaller vard\u0131 ama adlar\u0131 hemen \u2018Sar\u0131ks\u0131z Muhafazakarlar’a \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Halbuki parti program\u0131, Prens Sabahattinci liberalizmden izler ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Partinin, esas olarak, yeni devlette yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olan devrimlerin h\u0131z\u0131 ve derinli\u011fi konusunda Mustafa Kemal’den farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, daha tedrici bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc savunduklar\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yordu. Yani en iyi ihtimalle, CHF’den daha az otoriter, daha az merkeziyet\u00e7i ve daha az k\u00f6ktenciydiler.<\/p>\n

Beklendi\u011fi \u00fczere parti, Mustafa Kemal’in b\u00fcy\u00fck tepkisi ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Mustafa Kemal, 21 Kas\u0131m 1924’de The Times<\/em> gazetesinin \u0130stanbul muhabiri Mr. Macartney’e “Terakkiperverlerin cumhuriyet\u00e7ilikleri i\u00e7tenliksiz, programlar\u0131 sahte, kendileri de d\u00fcped\u00fcz gerici” demi\u015fti. \u00dcstelik Gazi bunlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylerken \u00e7ok \u00f6fkelenmi\u015f, y\u00fcz\u00fc k\u0131pk\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 kesilerek, muhalefetin her bir \u00fcyesini teker teker anm\u0131\u015f; onlar\u0131n her \u015feylerini bor\u00e7lu bulunduklar\u0131 kendisine kar\u015f\u0131 nank\u00f6rl\u00fck ettiklerini ve vatan haini olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. Hatta gazeteci bu hiddet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, Pa\u015fa’y\u0131 yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u0130RT\u0130CA \u00d6C\u00dcS\u00dc.<\/strong> Mustafa Kemal’in bir di\u011fer iddias\u0131 partinin kendisini k\u0131skanan bir dizi g\u00f6zden d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f general ve siyaset\u00e7i taraf\u0131ndan oport\u00fcnist kayg\u0131larla kurulmu\u015f oldu\u011fu idi. Daha sonra Nutuk<\/em>‘ta \u2018Akim Kalan Pa\u015falar Komplosu’ olarak yer alan bu iddiaya g\u00f6re, baz\u0131 pa\u015falar, Meclis’teki muhalif milletvekillerinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u0130kinci Grup \u00fcyeleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla b\u00fct\u00fcn yurtta halk\u0131 Mustafa Kemal’e kar\u015f\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmak i\u00e7in yurt i\u00e7inde bir tak\u0131m gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctler kurma \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7indeydiler. Bir di\u011fer su\u00e7lama ise TpCF’nin program\u0131n\u0131n ve tavr\u0131n\u0131n \u2018irticay\u0131 cesaretlendirdi\u011fi’ idi. Oysa bu iddian\u0131n dayand\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 6. maddede sadece \u015funlar yaz\u0131yordu: “Parti dinsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve inan\u00e7lara sayg\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r.” Ayr\u0131ca programda Halifeli\u011fin geri getirilmesi talebi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi dinin \u00f6nemine dair en ufak bir at\u0131f yoktu.<\/p>\n

\u2018KAN D\u00d6K\u00dcLECEKT\u0130R’.<\/strong> \u0130lk parti \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc Urfa’da kuruldu. Bunu Sivas, \u0130stanbul, Ankara ve \u0130zmir izledi. Ancak, 13 \u015eubat 1925’te patlak veren \u015eeyh Said \u0130syan\u0131, \u00fclkedeki t\u00fcm muhaliflere y\u00f6nelik genel bir sindirme kampanyas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131na vesile olurken, f\u0131rt\u0131nadan TpCF de nasibini ald\u0131. \u0130ddialara g\u00f6re, \u00fclkede demokrasinin y\u0131llarca ask\u0131ya al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan 3 Mart 1924 tarihli Takrir-i S\u00fckun Kanunu \u00e7\u0131kmadan bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce, Ba\u015fbakan Fethi Bey, TpCF Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kaz\u0131m Karabekir’i ziyaret ederek “Size f\u0131rkan\u0131z\u0131 kendi kendinize da\u011f\u0131tman\u0131z\u0131 tebli\u011fe beni memur ettiler. Da\u011f\u0131tmazsan\u0131z istikbali karanl\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum. Kan d\u00f6k\u00fclecektir” demi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Karabekir bu tehdite papu\u00e7 b\u0131rakmad\u0131 ama isyanc\u0131lar i\u00e7in kurulan \u015eark \u0130stiklal Mahkemesi’nde \u2018ayaklanmay\u0131 dolayl\u0131 olarak k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmak’ su\u00e7lamas\u0131yla yarg\u0131lananlar aras\u0131nda TpCF Urfa Genel Sekreteri Fethi Bey de vard\u0131. Hi\u00e7bir kan\u0131t olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde Fethi Bey 5 y\u0131l hapse mahkum edildi ve b\u00f6lgesindeki TpCF \u015fubeleri kapat\u0131ld\u0131. Ankara \u0130stiklal Mahkemesi ise partinin \u0130stanbul \u015fubesinden bir grup aleyhine \u2018dini siyasete alet etmek’ su\u00e7undan dava a\u00e7t\u0131 ve 5-15 y\u0131l aras\u0131nda hapis cezalar\u0131 verdi. Parti 3 Haziran 1925’te H\u0131yanet-i Vataniye Kanunu uyar\u0131nca kapat\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra da devletin TpCF’cilere kini bitmedi. 1926 yaz\u0131nda \u0130zmir’de Mustafa Kemal’e \u0130zmir’de suikast giri\u015fimine kat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 gerek\u00e7esiyle TpCF’li milletvekillerinden Halit (Akmans\u00fc) Bey d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndakilerin hepsi tutukland\u0131, bunlardan alt\u0131s\u0131 \u015f\u00fcpheli delillerle idam edildi.<\/p>\n

99 G\u00dcNL\u00dcK \u2018G\u00dcD\u00dcML\u00dc’ MUHALEFET<\/strong><\/p>\n

1929 D\u00fcnya B\u00fcy\u00fck Buhran\u0131 halk\u0131n mevcut y\u00f6netimden \u015fikayetlerini \u015fiddetlendirmi\u015fti. Halk\u0131n tepkisini mevcut sistemde radikal bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik yapmadan yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc bir parti kurulmas\u0131na karar verildi. Bunun i\u00e7in, 1925 Takrir-i S\u00fckun Kanunu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri s\u0131ras\u0131nda g\u00fcvensizlik oyu verilerek istifaya zorlanan, ard\u0131ndan milletvekilli\u011finden istifa ederek Paris b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7ili\u011fine g\u00f6nderilen Ali Fethi (Okyar) Bey se\u00e7ilmi\u015fti. Mustafa Kemal’in \u00e7ok eski bir arkada\u015f\u0131 olan Fethi Bey, 22 Temmuz 1930’da, iki ayl\u0131\u011f\u0131na Paris’ten \u0130stanbul’a d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, Yalova’da bulunan Mustafa Kemal’e bir telgraf \u00e7ekerek h\u00fcrmetlerini arz etmek istemi\u015f, ama kendisinden Yalova’ya gelmesi istenmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

\u0130ST\u0130BDAT MANZARASI.<\/strong> Arkada\u015f\u0131 Rize mebusu Fuat (Bulca) Bey’in “Sana bir muhalif f\u0131rka te\u015fkili teklif olunacakt\u0131r. Sak\u0131n bu teklife kap\u0131lma (..) Sana yaz\u0131k olur” uyar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 dinlemeyen Fethi Bey, Yalova’da Mustafa Kemal’in “Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc manzaram\u0131z a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 bir diktat\u00fcre <\/em>manzaras\u0131d\u0131r (..) Halbuki ben cumhuriyeti \u015fahsi menfaatim i\u00e7in yapmad\u0131m. Hepimiz faniyiz. Ben \u00f6ld\u00fckten sonra arkamda kalacak m\u00fcessese, bir istibdat m\u00fcessesesidir. Ben ise millete miras olarak bir istibdat m\u00fcessesesi b\u0131rakmak ve tarihe o suretle ge\u00e7mek istemiyorum” \u015feklindeki s\u00f6zleri \u00fczerine “Rica ederim, beni \u0130smet Pa\u015fa ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirmeyiniz” demi\u015fti. Mustafa Kemal ise, \u0130smet Bey’le Fethi Bey’i y\u00fcz y\u00fcze getirerek bu direni\u015fi k\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu toplant\u0131da \u0130smet Bey, kurulacak yeni partiye 40-50 milletvekili vermeyi vaat etmi\u015f, Fethi Bey, 120 milletvekili istemi\u015f, sonunda 70 milletvekilinde anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Fethi Bey ard\u0131ndan Mustafa Kemal’e tarafs\u0131z kal\u0131p kalmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sormu\u015f, Mustafa Kemal “Tabii, ben bitaraf[tarafs\u0131z] olaca\u011f\u0131m” diye s\u00f6z vermi\u015fti. Demek ki, 1924’te Trabzon’da \u2018elbette bir taraf\u0131n’ diyen Mustafa Kemal yoktu art\u0131k…<\/p>\n

Fethi Bey bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeyi \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetlemi\u015fti: “Gazi ile g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fck. Bana ille ikinci bir f\u0131rka kurup ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7eceksin, dedi. Kabul ettim. Anla\u015fmam\u0131za g\u00f6re, kuraca\u011f\u0131m f\u0131rkan\u0131n CHF’den esasl\u0131 bir fark\u0131 olmayacak. Zaten iki f\u0131rkan\u0131n da y\u00fcksek idareleri ellerinde olacakt\u0131r. Gazi benim f\u0131rkam\u0131n da tarafl\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Se\u00e7imlerde her iki f\u0131rkan\u0131n namzetlerini o tayin edecektir. Anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor ki, tek f\u0131rkan\u0131n do\u011furdu\u011fu murakabesizlikten, idaresizlikten b\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.”<\/p>\n

BATI’NIN G\u00d6Z\u00dcNE G\u0130RME.<\/strong> Mustafa Kemal’in bu partiyle bir s\u00fcredir ba\u015f\u0131na buyruk davranan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc’ye g\u00f6zda\u011f\u0131 vermeyi veya gizli muhaliflerini ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 hedeflemi\u015f olmas\u0131 da m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr ancak o g\u00fcnlerde ABD’nin T\u00fcrkiye B\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7isi olan Joseph C. Grew dikkatimizi ba\u015fka bir konuya \u00e7eker: “Gazi yava\u015f yava\u015f \u015fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, tek parti sistemi Avrupa ve Bat\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131nca T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in bir a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k i\u015faretidir. Amerikal\u0131 ve Avrupal\u0131 yazarlar son g\u00fcnlerde \u00e7o\u011funlukla \u015fekil bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Bat\u0131l\u0131, fakat ger\u00e7ekte Do\u011fulu olarak tasvir ettikleri T\u00fcrk diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden \u00e7ok s\u00f6z etmi\u015flerdir. T\u00fcrkiye’nin bu \u015fekilde g\u00f6sterilmesi Gazi’nin g\u00f6z\u00fcne \u00e7arpm\u0131\u015f ve hi\u00e7 ho\u015funa gitmemi\u015ftir.”<\/p>\n

Ger\u00e7ekten de, TBMM Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kaz\u0131m \u00d6zalp, Yalova’da Mustafa Kemal’e \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti: “Ge\u00e7enlerde Viyana’da bulundu\u011fum zaman Neue Freie Presse<\/em> gazetesi benden m\u00fclakat istemi\u015f ve \u2018T\u00fcrkiye’de ka\u00e7 siyasi parti vard\u0131r?’ sualini sormu\u015ftu. \u2018Bizde yaln\u0131z bir f\u0131rka vard\u0131r’ cevab\u0131n\u0131 verdim.Gazeteci hayret etti: \u2018H\u00fck\u00fcmet i\u015fleri sadece bir f\u0131rka ile nas\u0131l kontrol edilebilir. O halde sizde parlamento murakabesi de yok demektir’ dedi. Kendisine tatmin i\u00e7in bizdeki sistemi izah edip \u2018Hay\u0131r, bizde murakabe vard\u0131r, fakat bizim kendimize mahsus tarz\u0131m\u0131z vard\u0131r. Biz h\u00fck\u00fcmeti f\u0131rkada ve enc\u00fcmenlerde kontrol ederiz. B\u00f6ylelikle de \u00fclkemizde \u00e7ok f\u0131rkalar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan kopup gelen sak\u0131ncalar\u0131n tesirlerini \u00f6nledik’ dedim. Gazeteci ertesi g\u00fcn s\u00f6ylediklerimi aynen yazmakla beraber -kendi tabiriyle- \u2018\u015eu budalaya bak\u0131n: Avrupa’n\u0131n ortas\u0131nda bize parlamento dersi vermeye gelmi\u015f’ mealinde bir de f\u0131kra ilave etmi\u015fti. Hakikaten bizim Meclis’in vaziyetini izah etmek g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr.”<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131’ya ho\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcnmenin alt ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak, Frans\u0131z bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131nan ve sevilen bir ki\u015fi olan Fethi Bey sayesinde, ihtiya\u00e7 duyulmas\u0131 halinde, Lozan’la y\u00fcklenilen Osmanl\u0131 bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ertelenmesi ya da Fransa’dan kredi al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n kolay olaca\u011f\u0131 da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olabilirdi.<\/p>\n

DANI\u015eIKLI MEKTUPLA\u015eMA.<\/strong> Mustafa Kemal, kamuoyunun tepkisini \u00f6l\u00e7mek i\u00e7in yeni partiye ili\u015fkin birka\u00e7 haberin yay\u0131nlanmas\u0131n\u0131 istemi\u015fti. Bu ama\u00e7la Vakit<\/em> gazetesinden As\u0131m Us, Yalova’ya \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131ld\u0131 ve ne tip haberler yay\u0131nlanaca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinde anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Fethi Bey, TpCF deneyiminin do\u011furdu\u011fu ihtiyatla, ileride \u2018vatana ihanet’le su\u00e7lanmaktan korktu\u011funu ima edince Mustafa Kemal “Bana f\u0131rka te\u015fkili arzusunda bulundu\u011funuzu bir mektupla bildirir ve bunu nas\u0131l telakki edece\u011fimi sorars\u0131n\u0131z. Ben de cevaben h\u00fcsn\u00fc telakki edece\u011fimi bildirdikten sonra ise ba\u015flars\u0131n\u0131z” demi\u015fti. 7 a\u011fustosta Fethi Bey \u2018dan\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131’ mektubu yollad\u0131. Mustafa Kemal 110 A\u011fustos’ta Cumhuriyet<\/em> gazetesi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla olumlu cevab\u0131n\u0131 verdi. Ba\u015fbakan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc ve Meclis Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kaz\u0131m \u00d6zalp’den de olumlu mesajlar gelince Fethi Bey’in i\u00e7i iyice rahatlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

HALKIN \u0130LG\u0130S\u0130. <\/strong>12 A\u011fustos 1930 tarihinde -resmi ad\u0131yla- \u2018Serbest Lay\u0131k, Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131’ (Serbest F\u0131rka, SCF) kuruldu\u011funda halk durumu yorumlamakta evvela g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekti. Ancak Fethi Bey’in”Her \u015feyden evvel m\u00fczmin hale gelen iktisat buhran\u0131na \u00e7are bulaca\u011f\u0131z, mecliste h\u00fck\u00fcmeti a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a tenkit edece\u011fiz” \u015feklindeki a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131yla ortal\u0131k hareketlenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Mustafa Kemal’in nezaretinde yaz\u0131lan parti program\u0131n\u0131n hem ticaret burjuvazisine, hem b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerine hem de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kesimlere ayn\u0131 anda seslenmesi bile garipsenmemi\u015f hatta bu kapsay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k herkesi sevinmi\u015fti. Bir s\u00fcre sonra \u015fu veya bu nedenle iktidardan memnun olmayanlar partinin etraf\u0131nda k\u00fcmelenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

B\u00d6L\u00dcC\u00dcL\u00dcK VE \u0130RT\u0130CA.<\/strong> A\u011fustos sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru, partiye 13 bine yak\u0131n \u00fcye kayd\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130lgi artt\u0131k\u00e7a Fethi Bey i\u015fi daha \u00e7ok ciddiye almaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Her g\u00fcn, CHF’yi k\u00f6\u015feye s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran yeni ele\u015ftiriler yap\u0131yordu. Bu ba\u011flamda CHF’nin demiryollar\u0131, memur maa\u015flar\u0131, \u015feker tekeli politikalar\u0131 mercek alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak, bu durum do\u011fal olarak CHF’de rahats\u0131zl\u0131k yaratmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Zaten \u2018transfer’ s\u00f6z verilen 70 milletvekili, 14’te kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan SCF \u00fcyelerinin niteliklerini karalay\u0131c\u0131 yay\u0131nlar ba\u015flad\u0131. CHF Genel Sekreteri Hilmi Uran bu kesimleri \u015f\u00f6yle tarif ediyordu “…A\u011fr\u0131’n\u0131n hesab\u0131n\u0131 soraca\u011f\u0131z diyen K\u00fcrtler, milliyetleri kabaran Araplar, belediyeden ceza g\u00f6ren esnaf, polis tazyikinden kurtulmak isteyen irili ufakl\u0131 her \u00e7e\u015fit serseri, kumarbaz, esrarke\u015f ve ka\u00e7ak\u00e7\u0131, hatta kom\u00fcnizm fikrini benimseyenler, ink\u0131laplara son verilece\u011fini zanneden mutaass\u0131p tabaka…” Gazetelerde SCF’nin irticaya a\u00e7\u0131k kap\u0131 b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddialar\u0131 boy g\u00f6steriyor, \u2018S.C. F\u0131rkas\u0131nda Sar\u0131kl\u0131lar’ \u015feklinde haberler \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

GAZ\u0130YE RAK\u0130P M\u0130?. <\/strong>Fethi Bey’in eyl\u00fcldeki Ege seyahati iplerin iyice gerilmesine neden oldu. Halk meydanlar\u0131 dolduruyor, k\u00fcrs\u00fcye f\u0131rlayanlar ate\u015fli konu\u015fmalar yap\u0131yorlar,SCF yanl\u0131lar\u0131 “Ya\u015fas\u0131n Gazi, ya\u015fas\u0131n Fethi Bey” diye ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131yorlard\u0131. SCF’nin kalesi olan \u0130zmir’de, limandaki ameleler grev yaparak Fethi Bey’e ho\u015f geldin demi\u015fler, hapishanelerde bile olaylar \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir de \u00f6l\u00fcm olay\u0131n\u0131n olmas\u0131 sonun ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 getirdi. \u0130ddialara g\u00f6re Mustafa Kemal \u00e7\u0131kan olaylardan rahats\u0131z olmu\u015ftu ama as\u0131l rahats\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n Fethi Bey’e g\u00f6sterilen ilgi oldu\u011fu tahmin edilebilirdi. Ba\u015fta tarafs\u0131zl\u0131k s\u00f6z\u00fc veren Mustafa Kemal, 10 Eyl\u00fcl’de Anadolu<\/em> gazetesine “Ben Halk F\u0131rkas\u0131 ile beraberim ve o f\u0131rkan\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131y\u0131m!” \u015feklinde bir beyanat verdi. Adeta, SCF’ye destek verenlere asl\u0131nda kime muhalefet ettiklerini hat\u0131rlat\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\u2018T\u00dcRK-GAYR\u0130 T\u00dcRK’ \u00c7EK\u0130\u015eMES\u0130.<\/strong> Ekim ay\u0131ndaki belediye se\u00e7imleri s\u0131ras\u0131nda CHF ile SCF aras\u0131ndaki gerginlik en \u00fcst seviyeye \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Cumhuriyet<\/em> ve Anadolu<\/em> gazetelerinde SCF’nin listesinde alt\u0131 Rum, d\u00f6rt Ermeni ve \u00fc\u00e7 Yahudi olmas\u0131ndan bahisle, gayri M\u00fcslimlerin \u2018T\u00fcrkl\u00fck kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131’ esas\u0131nda SCF etraf\u0131nda topland\u0131\u011f\u0131, CHF’nin listesinde ise sadece T\u00fcrklerin oldu\u011fu anlat\u0131larak kadim gayrim\u00fcslim d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan medet umuluyordu.<\/p>\n

Se\u00e7imler, \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n 1912’deki \u2018Sopal\u0131 Se\u00e7imleri’ni and\u0131ran bir sertlikte ge\u00e7ti. Baz\u0131 yerlerde SCF’lilerin oy kullanmalar\u0131na engel olundu, Edirne’de se\u00e7menlere silahl\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar oldu. B\u00fct\u00fcn bask\u0131lara ra\u011fmen SCF’nin 502 belediyeden 22’sini kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131. (Resmi a\u00e7\u0131klama 15 Aral\u0131k’ta yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.) Bu say\u0131 asl\u0131nda y\u00fcksekti, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc SCF zaten \u00e7ok az yerde se\u00e7ime kat\u0131labilmi\u015fti. \u00d6te yandan genel olarak kat\u0131l\u0131m \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckt\u00fc. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u0130stanbul’da halk\u0131n ancak y\u00fczde 17’si se\u00e7imlere kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ki, bu halk\u0131n rejimi bir anlamda protesto etti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n

VE OYUN B\u0130T\u0130YOR. <\/strong>Sonunda beklenen oldu ve \u2018particilik oyunu’nun hesapland\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi geli\u015fmedi\u011fini g\u00f6ren Ankara duruma el koydu. Fethi Bey, Mustafa Kemal ve \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc ile birlikte haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 dilek\u00e7eyi 17 Kas\u0131m 1930’da Dahiliye Vek\u00e2leti’ne verdi. Fethi Bey, dilek\u00e7ede “…f\u0131rkan\u0131n,Gazi hazretlerine kar\u015f\u0131 siyasi m\u00fccadeleye girmesi ihtimalini hadd-i zat\u0131nda bertaraf ediyorum…” diyerek SCF’nin feshine karar verdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece 99 g\u00fcnl\u00fck \u2018oyun’ bitirilmi\u015f, g\u00fcvenli totaliter rejime d\u00f6n\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, herkes rahat bir nefes alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

VATAN HA\u0130NLER\u0130 MEMLEKET DI\u015eINA!<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sadece CHF’ye tehlike yaratacak partilere kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck partilere kar\u015f\u0131 da ac\u0131mas\u0131z davran\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin 1930’da \u00fc\u00e7 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck parti giri\u015fimi daha vard\u0131. Bunlardan Ahali Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131 (ACF), Abd\u00fclkadir Kemal\u00ee (\u00d6\u011f\u00fct\u00e7\u00fc) Bey taraf\u0131ndan Eyl\u00fcl ay\u0131nda kuruldu. Abd\u00fclkadir Bey, Birinci Meclis’te Kastamonu mebusu idi ve bir ara \u0130stiklal Mahkemesi ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Daha sonra rejimle ters d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f ve Adana’da yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Tok S\u00f6z<\/em> gazetesindeki yaz\u0131lar\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 Takrir-i S\u00fckun d\u00f6neminde \u0130stiklal Mahkemelerinde yarg\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Partisi, birka\u00e7 g\u00fcney ilinde \u015fube a\u00e7maktan ileri gidemedi\u011fi halde, Aral\u0131k 1931’de kapat\u0131ld\u0131. 29 Aral\u0131k 1931 tarihli Vakit <\/em>gazetesi “Abd\u00fclkadir Kemal\u00ee \u0130skenderun’a ka\u00e7m\u0131\u015f” diye m\u00fcjdeyi veriyordu. (\u0130skenderun o s\u0131rada Suriye s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7indeydi.) Cumhuriyet<\/em> gazetesi ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u0131, Ankara’n\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnden yorumluyordu: “Vatana ihanetini en evvel kendisi anlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r”. 18 Mart 1931 tarihli Cumhuriyet<\/em>‘teki “Antakya’da bulunan Abd\u00fclkadir Kemal\u00ee’nin vaziyeti pek fenad\u0131r. Arzuhalcilikle ge\u00e7inmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r” sat\u0131rlar\u0131 ise \u2018vatana ihanet eden’ pek \u00e7ok ayd\u0131n\u0131 bekleyen kaderi \u00f6zetliyordu.<\/p>\n

Ayn\u0131 g\u00fcnlerde kurulu\u015f dilek\u00e7esini veren T\u00fcrk Cumhuriyet Amele ve \u00c7ift\u00e7i Partisi (TCA\u00c7P), kurucusu Edirneli Mimar Kaz\u0131m Tahsin Bey’in siciline yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131kla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc san\u0131lan \u2018kom\u00fcnist’ notu y\u00fcz\u00fcnden daha ba\u015f\u0131ndan engellendi. B\u00f6ylece, parti t\u00fcz\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki \u2018Gazi Mustafa Kemal Hazretlerinin yol g\u00f6sterilicili\u011finin benimsendi\u011fi’ ibaresi g\u00fcme gitti!<\/p>\n

AR\u0130F ORU\u00c7’UN \u00c7\u0130LES\u0130.<\/strong> L\u00e2y\u0131k Cumhuriyet\u00e7i \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve \u00c7ift\u00e7i F\u0131rkas\u0131 (LC\u0130\u00c7F) ise, o s\u0131ralarda 35 ya\u015f\u0131nda olan g\u00f6z\u00fckara gazeteci Arif Oru\u00e7’un giri\u015fimi idi. Arif Oru\u00e7, Milli M\u00fccadele s\u0131ras\u0131nda Eski\u015fehir’de, \u00c7erkez Ethem’in deste\u011fi ile Yeni D\u00fcnya<\/em> adl\u0131 \u2018kom\u00fcnist’ gazeteyi yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015f, Haziran 1926’da Mustafa Kemal’e \u0130zmir’de yap\u0131lan suikast giri\u015fiminden dolay\u0131 yarg\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f ama beraat etmi\u015fti. 1930’da Serbest F\u0131rka’ya girip, gazetesi Yar\u0131n<\/em> ile partiye destek verdi\u011finde Ali Naci’nin (Karacan) gazetesi \u0130nk\u0131lap<\/em> Arif Oru\u00e7’u \u2018vatan haini’ ilan etmi\u015fti. Nitekim, SCF kapat\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra Arif Oru\u00e7 hapse mahkum oldu, gazetesi kapat\u0131ld\u0131. Hayat\u0131n\u0131 kazanmak i\u00e7in kundura boyas\u0131 d\u00fckkan\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131. Ama devlet pe\u015fini b\u0131rakmad\u0131. 1933’te bir gece yar\u0131s\u0131 evinden apar topar al\u0131narak Bulgaristan’\u0131n \u015eumnu \u015fehrine postaland\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bulgaristan’da medrese hocal\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapt\u0131 ve Yar\u0131n<\/em>‘\u0131 yay\u0131nlamaya devam eden, 1934’te T\u00fcrkiye’nin iste\u011fi \u00fczerine Bulgarlar taraf\u0131ndan Yugoslavya’ya s\u00fcr\u00fclen Arif Oru\u00e7, 1937 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye’ye d\u00f6nd\u00fc ve idam talebiyle yarg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 A\u011f\u0131r Ceza Mahkemesi’nde beraat etti. Kendisi hakk\u0131nda bir zamanlar \u2018vatan haini’ ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 atan Ali Naci Karacan, 1950 y\u0131l\u0131nda Milliyet gazetesini \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, muhtemelen vicdan azab\u0131 ile, Arif Oru\u00e7’u \u2018Ayhan’ takma imzas\u0131yla kadrosuna alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir g\u00fcn bu esrarl\u0131 \u2018Ayhan’\u0131n yaz\u0131lar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaz oldu. 10 Ekim 1950’de Milliyet’te, Ali Naci Karacan imzal\u0131 yaz\u0131 fazlas\u0131yla ironikti: “Fikir ve siyasi hayat\u0131m\u0131zda yeni merhaleler a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f olan k\u0131ymetli m\u00fctefekkir ve muharrirlerimizden Arif Oru\u00e7’u kaybettik…”<\/p>\n

Ba\u015ftaki sorumuza d\u00f6nersek, Mustafa Kemal ve arkada\u015flar\u0131 halk\u0131 demokrasiye haz\u0131rlama konusunda samimiydiler? Kan\u0131mca hay\u0131r. 1923’ten 1945′ e kadarki s\u00fcre\u00e7 halk\u0131 demokrasiye haz\u0131rlamay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan \u2018vesayet\u00e7i demokrasi’ olarak tan\u0131mlanabilecek ge\u00e7ici bir d\u00f6nem de\u011fildir, aksine ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri hedeflenen bir durumdur. Kemalist elitler, miras\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olduklar\u0131 \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 gelene\u011fe uygun olarak, bilin\u00e7li olarak liberal ideolojiyi ve parlamentarizmi reddetmi\u015fler, devleti merkeze koyan, ordudan g\u00fc\u00e7 alan, liderli\u011fi y\u00fccelten otoriter bir rejimi se\u00e7mi\u015flerdir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Mustafa Kemal’in yak\u0131n \u00e7evresinden Falih R\u0131fk\u0131’ya g\u00f6re “Demokrasi dedikleri \u015fey, bizzat \u015feriatt\u0131r. H\u00fcrriyet dedikleri \u015fey, katillerin ba\u015f\u0131bo\u015flu\u011fu, h\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131n serbestli\u011fi, c\u00fcr\u00fcms\u00fcz, cezas\u0131z ve inzibats\u0131z bir serseriler saltanat\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n polise, m\u00fcfterinin mahkemeye kar\u015f\u0131 hareketidir. Bu bir anar\u015fist hareketidir. Ahlak, namus, haysiyet, \u015feref, aile, her \u015fey pa\u00e7avraya \u00e7evrilmi\u015ftir.” B\u00fct\u00fcn bu olumsuzluklar\u0131 g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcsleyerek, hatta kellerini koltu\u011fa alarak, muhalefet yapmaya yeltenenleri yola getirmek hi\u00e7 de zor olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kaynak\u00e7a:<\/strong> Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu, Serbest F\u0131rka Hat\u0131ralar\u0131<\/em>, Nebio\u011flu Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul; Cem Emrence, 99 G\u00fcnl\u00fck Muhalefet: Serbest Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131<\/em>, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2006; Joseph C. Grew, Gazi ve <\/em>\u0130smet Pa<\/em>sa: \u00c7alkant\u0131l\u0131 D\u00f6nem: 1922-1932<\/em>, \u00d6rg\u00fcn Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 2005; Ali Fethi Okyar, Serbest Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131 Nas\u0131l Do<\/em>\u011fdu, Nas\u0131l Fesh Edildi<\/em>, \u0130stanbul, 1987; \u00dc\u00e7 Devirde Bir Adam<\/em>, Yay. Haz. Cemal Kutay, Terc\u00fcman Tarih Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, 1980; Eric Jan Z\u00fcrcher, Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131 (1924-1925), <\/em>\u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2003; Mete Tun\u00e7ay, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti’nde Tek Parti Y\u00f6netimi’nin Kurulmas\u0131, 1923-1931<\/em>, Tarih Vakf\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2005; Hilmi Uran, Hat\u0131ralar\u0131m<\/em>, Ankara, 1959.<\/p>\n

Not: Taraf Gazetesi’nin 23 Mart 2008 tarihli n\u00fcshas\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

AY\u015eE H\u00dcR \u00d6ZGE\u00c7M\u0130\u015e<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ay\u015fe H\u00fcr 1956’da Artvin’de do\u011fdu. Her ikisi de lise \u00f6\u011fretmeni olan Balkan k\u00f6kenli babas\u0131 ve \u0130stanbullu annesi ile Urfa, Nazilli ve Edirne’de ya\u015fad\u0131, ard\u0131ndan \u0130stanbul’a yerle\u015fti. Bo\u011fazi\u00e7i \u00dcniversitesi Tarih B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ile Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler ve Siyaset B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc’nde \u00e7ift anadal e\u011fitimini 1992’de tamamlad\u0131. Ayn\u0131 \u00fcniversitenin Atat\u00fcrk Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc’nde “Avrupa Birli\u011fi’nin Tarihle Bar\u0131\u015fma Politikalar\u0131 ve Ermeni Meselesi” \u00fczerine lisans\u00fcst\u00fc tezini 2005’te verdi. Halen ayn\u0131 enstit\u00fcn\u00fcn doktora program\u0131na devam ediyor. 20 y\u0131l i\u015f\u00e7ilik, memurluk ve y\u00f6neticilik yapt\u0131. Son 10 y\u0131lda, hayat\u0131n\u0131 sosyal bilimler ve piyasa ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve moderat\u00f6rl\u00fck yaparak kazan\u0131yor.Taraf, Radikal, AGOS, Toplumsal Tarih<\/em> ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere \u00e7e\u015fitli gazete ve dergilerde tarih ve siyaset yaz\u0131lar\u0131 yaz\u0131yor. <\/strong><\/p>\n

http:\/\/www.diyarbekir.net\/<\/a> <\/p>\n

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Tweet<\/a><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

AKP ve DTP’ye y\u00f6nelik harekat, gazeteci Ahmet Emin Yalman’\u0131n “Biz zaten \u0130stiklal M\u00fccadelesi’nin sonundan beri, \u00e7ok partili bir demokrasiyi de\u011fil, bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_gspb_post_css":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[35],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-880","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-tye"],"blocksy_meta":[],"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/880","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=880"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/880\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=880"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=880"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=880"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}