{"id":1287,"date":"2008-11-18T22:17:17","date_gmt":"2008-11-18T21:17:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/wp.mehmetcanyuece.com\/2008\/11\/18\/milli-devlet-modernlesme-haluk-gerger\/"},"modified":"2008-11-18T22:17:17","modified_gmt":"2008-11-18T21:17:17","slug":"milli-devlet-modernlesme-haluk-gerger","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/milli-devlet-modernlesme-haluk-gerger\/","title":{"rendered":"Milli Devlet, Modernle\u015fme \/ Haluk Gerger"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\n \t<\/i> Read Time:<\/span>11 Minute, 4 Second <\/div>\n\n <\/div>

\"\"Milli Devlet, Modernle\u015fme ve K\u00fcrt Sorunu \/ Haluk Gerger<\/p>\n

Milli Savunma Bakan\u0131 Vecdi G\u00f6n\u00fcl, \u00f6zetle, \u201cM\u00fcbadele ve Ermeni Tehciri olmasayd\u0131 milli devleti kuramazd\u0131k<\/em>\u201d demi\u015f Br\u00fcksel\u2019deki bir konu\u015fmas\u0131nda. S\u00f6yleyen ki\u015fiden \u00e7ok, zihniyeti g\u00f6stermesi ve sadece d\u00fcne ya da bug\u00fcne de\u011fil, yar\u0131nlara da \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli bu s\u00f6zler. Bu zihniyet -tedhi\u015fci T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck- yak\u0131n tarihimizde \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131ktan Kemalizme, oralardan da g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze, d\u00fczenin \u015fovenizm ve militarizm k\u0131skac\u0131na uzan\u0131yor<\/strong>. Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131\u2019ndan M\u00fcbadele\u2019ye, Varl\u0131k Vergisi\u2019nden 6-7 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019e, K\u00fcrt bast\u0131rmalar\u0131ndan Kirli Sava\u015f\u2019a uzanan bir ac\u0131l\u0131 tarihi yaratan zihniyet bu. \u201cYa sev ya terk et\u201din Erdo\u011fancas\u0131n\u0131n \u201cpompal\u0131\u201d terc\u00fcmesi de buna eklenince, s\u00f6z konusu Zihniyetin egemenli\u011finin b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla toplumun ve gelece\u011fin \u00fczerinde yerle\u015fmi\u015f oldu\u011funu bir kez daha g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u015eimdilerde de o \u201cMilli Devlet\u201din elde silah K\u00fcrtlere kar\u015f\u0131 savunuldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenmiyor mu?<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Savunma Bakan\u0131 ile Ba\u015fbakan\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6ylediklerinin i\u00e7sel ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 da o malum zihniyette ve tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde bulmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. K\u00fcrt Sorunu bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da hayati \u00f6nemde bu Zihniyetin ve onun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cMilli Devlet\u201d projesinin kavranmas\u0131. <\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de iki olgu birbirleriyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ele al\u0131n\u0131yor. Buna g\u00f6re, \u201cK\u00fcrt Sorunu\u201d, \u201cKemalist modernle\u015fme\u201ddeki aksakl\u0131k ve eksikliklerden kaynakl\u0131d\u0131r esas olarak<\/strong>. \u0130ddia edilen \u015fu: \u015eayet, Kemalist \u201cmodernle\u015fme ve ayd\u0131nlanma\u201dn\u0131n gerekleri tam anlam\u0131yla yerine getirilebilseydi, bug\u00fcn \u201cK\u00fcrt Sorunu\u201d da olmazd\u0131. Bir ba\u015fka ifadeyle, K\u00fcrt Sorunu, feodalizmin tasfiye edilememesi nedeniyle bug\u00fcnk\u00fc boyutlar\u0131na varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sadece bu bile, \u201ckapitalist modernle\u015fme\u201dnin ve \u201cKemalist Ayd\u0131nlanma\u201dn\u0131n ard\u0131ndaki politik-stratejik saikleri g\u00f6stermeye yeter. <\/p>\n

Oysa \u201cKemalist modernle\u015fme\u201d diye an\u0131lan ve sadece milli burjuvazi yeti\u015ftirmeye, kapitalist ili\u015fkilerin in\u015fas\u0131na, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f ya\u015fam projesine ba\u011flanan s\u00fcrecin \u201cT\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc-tek\u00e7i\u201d stratejik y\u00f6nelimi genellikle g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ediliyor, \u00f6z\u00fcnde, bask\u0131n yan\u0131n\u0131n bu oldu\u011fu dikkate al\u0131nm\u0131yor<\/strong>. \u201cKapitalist modernle\u015fme\u201dde ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir a\u015fama olmas\u0131 gereken \u201cfeodalizmin tasfiyesi\u201dnin bile, \u00f6z\u00fcnde, ekonomik-sosyal-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fil, politik-ideolojik bir anlay\u0131\u015fla ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-\u015foven-militarist tasar\u0131m\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011fu<\/strong> ortada. S\u00f6zde ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 zihniyetin milliyet\u00e7i-militarist karanl\u0131klara tekab\u00fcl etti\u011fi buradan rahatl\u0131kla g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. <\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, \u201ckapitalist modernle\u015fme\u201ddeki feodalizmi tasfiye \u00e7abalar\u0131, \u015foven-militarist projeye ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ve bu kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc karakterinden dolay\u0131, burjuva d\u00fczeninin nesnel sosyo-ekonomik \u00e7\u0131kar ve zaruretlerinden daha fazla, politik\/ideolojik ihtiya\u00e7lara, tedhi\u015fci T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin gereklerine g\u00f6re de\u011ferlendirilmi\u015ftir<\/strong>. <\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, \u201cKemalist Ink\u0131lab\u201d\u0131n ideologlar\u0131ndan \u015eevket S\u00fcreyya Aydemir, Marksist d\u00f6neminden kalma y\u00f6ntem k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 da kullanarak, o d\u00f6nemde \u015f\u00f6yle yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r:<\/p>\n

\u201cOsmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu devrinde Van ve Diyarbak\u0131r eyaletlerinin tarihi, bu yerlerde T\u00fcrk n\u00fcfusunun, T\u00fcrk dilinin ve T\u00fcrk hars\u0131n\u0131n ezilmesi, temsil olunmas\u0131 [teslim al\u0131nmas\u0131?] ve yabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 tarihi oldu. Osmanl\u0131 tarihinin b\u00fct\u00fcn devirleri, Van ve Diyarbekir eyaletlerinde, iktisaden ve hukuken serbest T\u00fcrk k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve \u015fehirlisiyle, ferdin iktisadi ve hukuki esaretine ve s\u0131k\u0131 bir toprak bentli\u011fe istinat eden K\u00fcrt feodalizmi aras\u0131ndaki cidal ile ge\u00e7er. Bu m\u00fccadelede Osmanl\u0131 saray\u0131n\u0131 biz, daima T\u00fcrk\u00fcn aleyhine cephe alm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz…<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201c[\u0130ran\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6nlem alma saikiyle, Do\u011fu Anadolu\u2019da] kalabal\u0131k ve ileri bir T\u00fcrk n\u00fcfusu, uzak yaylalarda ya\u015fayan iptidai bir K\u00fcrt ekalliyetinin iptidai rejimine, geri ve siyal bir toprak k\u00f6leli\u011fine kurban verildi. \u0130stanbul\u2019da mevzi alan Osmanl\u0131 saray\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn nameleri ve fermanlar\u0131, bu yerlerde T\u00fcrk kan\u0131n\u0131n, T\u00fcrk hukuk ve nizam\u0131n\u0131n bozulmas\u0131 ve da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yaz\u0131ld\u0131. <\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cT\u00fcrk serbest iktisat ve cemiyet nizam\u0131yla K\u00fcrt feodalizminin m\u00fccadele etti\u011fi yerlerde, tekke, bu feodalizmin bir vah\u015fi te\u015fkilat\u0131d\u0131r ve bu te\u015fkilat\u0131n hedefi, T\u00fcrk n\u00fcfusunun dilini, dinini ve serbest tefekk\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc izale etmektir… Fakat tekkenin ve \u015feyhin manevi silahlar\u0131 olmasa, K\u00fcrt toprakbentli\u011fi derhal m\u00fcttekas\u0131z ve mukavemetsiz kal\u0131r…<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cT\u00fcrk k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn K\u00fcrtle\u015fmesi, T\u00fcrk k\u00f6y\u00fcnde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7ift\u00e7ili\u011fin serbest toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin tasfiyesiyle ba\u015flar. Eski h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc himayeleriyle etraflar\u0131ndaki T\u00fcrk n\u00fcfusu aleyhine her g\u00fcn biraz daha silahlanan ve azan K\u00fcrt a\u015firetinin tasallutu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir g\u00fcn, ya can\u0131ndan, ya topra\u011f\u0131ndan ge\u00e7mek \u0131zd\u0131rat\u0131nda kalan T\u00fcrk k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu K\u00fcrt beyine terkedince, derhal, bu beyin arazisinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir canl\u0131 \u2018meta\u2019, bir \u2018toprak k\u00f6lesi\u2019 haline d\u00fc\u015fer. Art\u0131k onun hem mal\u0131, hem can\u0131, hem namusu K\u00fcrt beyinin mal\u0131d\u0131r. Art\u0131k onun kendini K\u00fcrt saymas\u0131, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fmas\u0131 ve beyin adamlar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131nda derhal k\u00f6ye gelip yerle\u015fen \u0131zbandut gibi bir tarikat \u015feyhinin, her g\u00f6sterdi\u011fine tapmas\u0131, her dedi\u011fine inanmas\u0131 laz\u0131md\u0131r. Fakat bu da kifayet etmez. K\u00fcrt beyi her zaman asidir. Yeni tebaan\u0131n da beyinin isyan\u0131na i\u015ftirak etmesi, onun cinayetlerine \u015ferik olmas\u0131 laz\u0131md\u0131r… Dininden, milliyetinden ve m\u00fclkiyetinden tecrit olunan bu zavall\u0131 mahl\u00fbk, art\u0131k bir vergi ka\u00e7a\u011f\u0131, bir asker ka\u00e7a\u011f\u0131, bir sab\u0131kal\u0131, bir vah\u015fi unsurdur. K\u00fcrt beyi tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc, K\u00fcrtle\u015ftirilmi\u015f T\u00fcrk\u00fcn, topra\u011f\u0131, kan\u0131, milliyeti, dini ve namusu pahas\u0131na ya\u015fat\u0131r…<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cToprak, yurt ve istihsal vas\u0131talar\u0131 sahibi k\u0131l\u0131nacak K\u00fcrtle\u015fmi\u015f T\u00fcrk\u00fcn kendi diline ve \u00f6z iktisat nizam\u0131na d\u00f6nmesi, oralarda serbest m\u00fcbadele usullerini ve Pazar m\u00fcnasebetlerini geni\u015flettirecek ve bu geni\u015fleyen m\u00fcnasebetler T\u00fcrk milletinin siyasi ve iktisadi tecan\u00fcs ve vahdetini temin edecektir…<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cA\u011fr\u0131da\u011f\u2019\u0131 gerilerinde pusuda bekleyenlerin sinsi kasitleri, topra\u011f\u0131ndan, milletinden ve m\u00fclkiyetinden tecrit edilip iktisaden bir canl\u0131 meta, ruhan bir kara \u00e7amur ve hukuken bir m\u00fccrim haline getirilen T\u00fcrk vatanda\u015f\u0131n\u0131n, topra\u011f\u0131, h\u00fcrriyeti ve hakk\u0131 tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn kendili\u011finden akim kalacakt\u0131r…\u201d<\/em>[1<\/a>]<\/p>\n

Kemalist ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n bir ba\u015fka ideologu \u0130smail H\u00fcsrev de \u201cm\u00fcstakil K\u00fcrt h\u00fck\u00fcmet\u00e7ikleri\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 feodal toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin tasfiyesini \u015f\u00f6yle savunmu\u015ftur: \u201c…vak\u0131a olarak \u015funu da tesbit etmek laz\u0131md\u0131r ki, bu K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fan a\u015firetlerin, \u015eark vilayetlerinde bir \u00e7ok T\u00fcrkleri de cebirle K\u00fcrtle\u015ftirdikleri yeni K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fan a\u015firetlerin anas\u0131r\u0131 haline getirdikleri g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir….Milli ink\u0131lab\u0131n burada derebeyli\u011fi tasfiye ederek kurtaraca\u011f\u0131 ve milli mikyastaki i\u015f birli\u011fine alaca\u011f\u0131 iki unsur vard\u0131r: bir k\u00f6le haline getirilmi\u015f i\u015f kuvvetleri, di\u011feri de K\u00fcrt a\u015firetleri i\u00e7inde eriyen T\u00fcrk unsurudur… \u015earkta derebeylik nizamile yap\u0131lacak m\u00fccadele ancak ink\u0131lap\u00e7\u0131 bir tasfiye hareketi olabilir. Bu nizam, nizam olarak k\u00fcl halinde ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 takdirde T\u00fcrk ink\u0131l\u00e2b\u0131 daima yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda cerahat f\u0131\u015fk\u0131ran ve harici m\u00fcdahalelerle takviye edilen bir irtica kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6k\u00fcnden temizlemi\u015f olacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d H\u00fcsrev, yakla\u015f\u0131k bir y\u0131l sonra yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir yaz\u0131da, \u201cfeodal tasfiye\u201dnin politik amac\u0131n\u0131 daha net bir bi\u00e7imde ifade etmi\u015ftir: \u201cM\u0131nt\u0131kalara g\u00f6re \u0131slahata gelince; b\u00f6yle bir reformun \u015fekli \u015eark vilayetlerine g\u00f6re ba\u015fka, Anadolunun di\u011fer k\u0131s\u0131mlar\u0131na g\u00f6re ba\u015fkad\u0131r. Birincisinde daha ziyade i\u00e7timai-siyasi (social-politisch), ikincisinde i\u00e7timai-iktisadi (social-ekonomisch) bir mahiyeti haizdir. \u015eark vilayetlerinde derebeyli\u011fin k\u00fcl halinde tasfiyesi ve topra\u011f\u0131n bila bedel k\u00f6yl\u00fcye tevzii, milli b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn temini bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bilhassa zaruridir. Orada bilhassa K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fulan sahalarda i\u00e7in i\u00e7in kaynayan gayr\u0131 milli hareketlerin, irticai cereyanlar\u0131n g\u0131da ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7timai z\u00fcmreler, k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc ile beraber geni\u015f topraklara tahasup etmi\u015f beylerdir. Topra\u011f\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fcye do\u011frudan do\u011fruya tevzii demek bey ismini ta\u015f\u0131yan irtica kayna\u011f\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ve bu s\u0131n\u0131fla beraber K\u00fcrt meselesinin k\u00f6k\u00fcnden tasfiyesi demektir… \u0130stihsal tekni\u011finin rasyonelle\u015fmesi davas\u0131 ilah… buralarda \u015fimdilik ikinci hedef olarak kalacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[2<\/a>]<\/p>\n

\u0130lerici \u201cfeodalizmin tasfiyesi\u201d olgusunun b\u00f6ylesine gerici-\u015foven saiklerle harmanlanmas\u0131, \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn bo\u015falt\u0131l\u0131p anlam\u0131n\u0131n sapt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, \u201cmodernle\u015fme,\u201d \u201ckurulu\u015f felsefesi,\u201d \u201csistemin mayas\u0131\u201d konular\u0131nda \u00e7ok \u00f6\u011fretici say\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu anlay\u0131\u015f, \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn, yeni y\u00f6netimin g\u00f6revini, \u201cT\u00fcrk vatan\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulunanlar\u0131 behemehal T\u00fcrk yapmakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrklere ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe muhalefet edecek anas\u0131r\u0131 kesip alaca\u011f\u0131z. Vatana hizmet edeceklerde arayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z evsaf, her \u015feyden evvel o adam\u0131n T\u00fcrk ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc olmas\u0131d\u0131r…<\/em>\u201d[3<\/a>] bi\u00e7imindeki form\u00fclasyonunda en veciz ifadesini bulmu\u015ftur. Ne var ki, bu ideolojik form\u00fclasyon eksiktir. Eksi\u011fi, \u201ckesip al\u0131namayanlar\u201dla ilgili olarak s\u00f6yledikleriyle, adalet bakanlar\u0131ndan Mahmut Esat Bozkurt tamamlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: \u201c\u00d6z T\u00fcrk olmayanlar\u0131n T\u00fcrk vatan\u0131nda bir hakk\u0131 vard\u0131r, o da hizmet\u00e7i olmakt\u0131r, k\u00f6le olmakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[4<\/a>] <\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu al\u0131nt\u0131lar, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye modernle\u015fmesi\u201dnin iktisadi (kapitalizm) boyutu ile T\u00fcrk \u015fovenizminin devlet yap\u0131s\u0131, ideolojik\/politik\/hukuki \u00fcstyap\u0131s\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki organik ba\u011f\u0131 vurgulaman\u0131n gere\u011fini; bu \u201cmodernle\u015fme\u201d hamlesinin, salt modern kapitalizmin in\u015fas\u0131, burjuvazi yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma hareketine indirgenemeyece\u011fin<\/strong>i g\u00f6stermi\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00fcrecin b\u00f6yle, \u201c\u015fovenist-militarist\u201d boyutuyla kavranmas\u0131, \u201cK\u00fcrt Sorunu\u201d bak\u0131m\u0131ndan hayati \u00f6nemdedir.[5<\/a>]<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7ta, Ziya G\u00f6kalp\u2019in deyi\u015fiyle, pek \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 etnik unsurdan olu\u015fan \u201csuni topluluklar\u201d\u0131n idamesi yerine, Anadolu T\u00fcrk\u00fc\u2019ne dayal\u0131 yeni bir kurulu\u015fa ge\u00e7mek iradesi h\u00e2kim k\u0131l\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ama\u00e7 ile, elbette uluslararas\u0131 ekonomiye eklemlenmek ve beynelmilel sermaye ile \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc ili\u015fkilenmek \u00fczere, \u201cmilli\u201d kapitalizmi kurmak ve bir \u201cT\u00fcrk burjuvazisi\u201d yaratmak hedefi i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f, birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. <\/p>\n

\u00d6nce piyasa mekanizmalar\u0131na (liberalizme), sonra, iktisadi ko\u015fullar dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 k\u00f6kene, ard\u0131ndan da, kurulan yap\u0131ya ve kurucu ideolojiye daha uygun b\u00fcrokratik m\u00fcdahaleye (devlet\u00e7ilik) dayand\u0131r\u0131lan \u201cmilli\u201d kapitalizmi ve burjuvaziyi geli\u015ftirme projesi, \u201cT\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck\u201dle beraber ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/strong> \u201cUlusal Pazar\u201d ve \u201cyerli m\u00fcte\u015febbis,\u201d tek bayrak, tek dil, tek millet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla birlikte kotar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, sonras\u0131 da beynelmilel sermaye ve Bat\u0131 potas\u0131 i\u00e7inde do\u011fal mecras\u0131na akmaya b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/p>\n

Bu anlay\u0131\u015f, Lozan\u2019da resmiyet kazanm\u0131\u015f az\u0131nl\u0131klar (Ermeniler ve Rumlar) a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 bir form\u00fcl geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Bunu, Burhan Asaf (Belge) \u00f6z ve nezih bir bi\u00e7imde \u015f\u00f6yle ifade ediyor 1933 y\u0131l\u0131nda: \u201cAlmanya\u2019daki Yahudi aleyhtarl\u0131\u011f\u0131, umar\u0131z ki, bizimkilere bir ders olur. T\u00fcrk kadar misafirperver olmak i\u00e7in, T\u00fcrk kadar tarih i\u00e7inde efendi millet olmu\u015f olmak laz\u0131md\u0131r. Fakat, her misafirli\u011fin sonu, ya evdekilere kar\u0131\u015fmak yahut misafirli\u011fi uzatmamak de\u011fil midir? Bizim azl\u0131klar, evdekilere kar\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131, \u015fimdiye kadar hi\u00e7 bilmediler. Fakat bundan sonras\u0131 i\u00e7in bunun samimi yollar\u0131n\u0131, biz g\u00f6stermeden kendilerinin aray\u0131p bulmalar\u0131, \u015f\u00fcphe yok ki, hem onlar\u0131n hem de bizim lehimizedir.<\/em>\u201d [6<\/a>]<\/p>\n

Bu milliyet\u00e7ilik, Avrupa\u2019da, topra\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131 ve eme\u011fe dayal\u0131, yurtsever-h\u00fcmanist-romantik duyguyla ba\u015flay\u0131p, daha sonra, geli\u015fmekte olan kapitalizmin ulusal pazar ve yasal-politik-ideolojik gereksinimine ba\u011fl\u0131 bir \u201cmilli irade\u201d u\u011fra\u011f\u0131nda gen\u00e7 burjuvazinin gereksinimlerine uyarlanan, ard\u0131ndan da, sanayile\u015fme, tekelle\u015fme, emperyalizm s\u00fcre\u00e7leriyle y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131, \u015foven, sald\u0131rgan do\u011fal uzant\u0131s\u0131yla sonlanan s\u00fcre\u00e7ten farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Avrupa d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 pek \u00e7ok yerde ithal ge\u00e7 milliyet\u00e7ilik, \u00f6zellikle kurucu se\u00e7kinlerin toplumsal m\u00fchendislik ve devlet kurma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde, daha ba\u015ftan tepkici, \u015foven, gerici, y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131, \u00f6tekine d\u00fc\u015fmanca muhalif, ku\u015fkucu, \u00f6zg\u00fcvensiz, d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131, b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc, zorba, militarist ve benzeri niteliklerle malul, evrensel-h\u00fcmanist de\u011ferlere has\u0131m bir duygusall\u0131kla do\u011fmu\u015ftur. Ayn\u0131 zamanda Bat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ile \u00e7eli\u015fmeyen, ba\u011fr\u0131nda, kozmopolit i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi, uluslararas\u0131 sermaye ile organik ba\u011flar\u0131n kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 ve emperyalizm ile ittifak\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bir b\u00fcnyeyi de yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Tabii hemen eklemek gerekir ki, \u201cBat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma\u201d kavram\u0131, Bat\u0131\u2019y\u0131 Bat\u0131 yapan pek \u00e7ok \u00f6\u011feyi d\u0131\u015flayan, reddeden, yer yer d\u00fc\u015fman sayan bir \u201cT\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck\u201d ile i\u00e7i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Bu anlay\u0131\u015fta, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde olu\u015fmu\u015f toplumsal yap\u0131 ve onunla hayat bulan ilerleme, \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme, ilerici-h\u00fcmanist-demokratik geli\u015fme ve bireysel\/toplumsal kurtulu\u015f (emancipation-liberte<\/em>) dinamikleri has\u0131m al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/strong> Kapitalizmin kutsal hedef olarak kabul\u00fc, onun do\u011fal dinamiklerinin reddiyle birle\u015fince, hayatla inatla\u015fan bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiler yuma\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferler karga\u015fas\u0131 yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cS\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f toplum\u201d ve \u201cmilli birlik ve beraberlik\u201d feti\u015fizmi, \u201ci\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman\u201dla beslenen yap\u0131 i\u00e7inde toplumu pe\u015fini b\u0131rakmayan bir perspektif \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na mahk\u00fbm etmi\u015f, etkileri bug\u00fcne gelen bir deformasyon etkisi ile \u201cmodernle\u015fme\u201dyi \u015firazesinden \u00e7\u0131kartm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yukar\u0131da belirtilen s\u00fcreklilik, sistemin yap\u0131sal-ideolojik \u00f6z\u00fcnden kaynaklanan \u00fcstbelirleyici \u00f6\u011fe, bu noktada da kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu makalenin yazar\u0131, 141\u2013142. madde tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde S\u00fcleyman Demirel\u2019e, \u201c\u00fclkenin sanayile\u015fmesinin mimar\u0131\u201d sav\u0131n\u0131 an\u0131msatarak, bunun do\u011fal sonucu olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fimini izleyen politik\/ideolojik\/\u00f6rg\u00fctsel olgular\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc t\u0131kama gayretlerindeki garabeti ve \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi sordu\u011funda, ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131t, ancak ve sadece \u201cb\u00f6yle bir demokrasiye ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na inanm\u0131yorum<\/em>\u201d s\u0131\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda olabilmi\u015ftir.[7<\/a>] Ne var ki, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin s\u0131\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6tesindeki \u201cgelenek\u201d ve kaynaklar\u0131, ancak burada anlatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z sistemik s\u00fcreklilik fakt\u00f6r\u00fcyle anla\u015f\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n

Bu zihniyetin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 insan tipi ve toplum ortada. Sivas\u2019ta diri diri insan yakanlar, lin\u00e7 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne tutsak olanlar hep bu zihniyetin kurbanlar\u0131. \u015eiddete m\u00fcptela, \u015fiddete tap\u0131nan bir toplum olu\u015fturuldu sonunda.<\/strong> \u015eairi (Arif Nihat Asya), hem de \u201cmilleti temsil etti\u011fi\u201d TBMM\u2019de, \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu 1950\u2019li y\u0131llarda: "\u015eu memlekette idam cezas\u0131 mademki vard\u0131r, sorar\u0131m, idam\u0131 kime sakl\u0131yoruz? \u0130dam g\u00f6mle\u011fi maddedeki m\u00fckerirler i\u00e7in bi\u00e7ilmi\u015f kaftand\u0131r. Yaln\u0131z d\u0131\u015f cemiyetleri de\u011fil, hapishanenin i\u00e7 cemiyetini de bu adamlar\u0131n \u015ferrinden kurtarman\u0131n tek \u00e7aresi vard\u0131r: Sehpa. Yahut iki \u00e7aresi vard\u0131r. Sehpa ve kur\u015fun… Gen\u00e7lik ve halk mitinglerinde ‘kom\u00fcnistlere \u00f6l\u00fcm’ levhalar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131. Onlar\u0131 kimsenin yalanc\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmaya hakk\u0131 yoktur. Gen\u00e7lik, bunun b\u00f6yle olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilseydi kom\u00fcnistlere perhiz, kom\u00fcnistlere diyet, kom\u00fcnistlere g\u00f6z hapsi derdi… Zaten imk\u00e2n olsa da birka\u00e7 k\u0131z\u0131l salland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa idi, k\u0131z\u0131llar bu kadar \u015f\u0131marmazd\u0131. Milletin hi\u00e7 olmazsa asmbolik olarak iki kom\u00fcnisti as\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olarak g\u00f6rmek hakk\u0131yd\u0131. Bu bi\u00e7arelerden birini olsun, as\u0131lm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6rmeden giderasm g\u00f6z\u00fcm arkada kal\u0131r. Hapis cezas\u0131 verece\u011fiz. Kafeste ku\u015f besleyece\u011fiz. Ne g\u00fczel!..<\/em>" <\/p>\n

Sonra Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131, \u201casmayal\u0131m da besleyelim mi\u201d diye sordu 1980\u2019de, Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 \u201cvatan-millet i\u00e7in tetik \u00e7ekenler\u201di kutsad\u0131. O\u2019nun a\u011fababas\u0131 da milliyet\u00e7ilerin cinayetlerini bana cinayetten sayd\u0131ramazs\u0131n\u0131z diyordu. Bir ba\u015fka Ba\u015fbakan ad\u0131na da soru\u015fturma yapan ki\u015fi, \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclen K\u00fcrtlerle ilgili olarak yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Susurluk Raporu\u2019nda, devletin cinayet i\u015fleyebilece\u011fini, \u00f6nemli olan\u0131n bunu y\u00fcz\u00fcne g\u00f6z\u00fcne bula\u015ft\u0131rmadan yapmas\u0131d\u0131r diye yazmam\u0131\u015f m\u0131yd\u0131? <\/p>\n

\u015eimdi Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n \u201csabr\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fckenmesi\u201dne ya da milletvekilinin \u201cdevletine ve milletine kar\u015f\u0131 gelenleri vurmaktan ho\u015flanma\u201ds\u0131na neden \u015fa\u015f\u0131r\u0131yoruz ki?..<\/p>\n

Unutmay\u0131n, bu zihniyet, \u201czo diyenler gitti \u015fimdi s\u0131ra lo diyenlerde\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ile gelmi\u015ftir bug\u00fcnlere…<\/p>\n

Ayd\u0131nlanma ve modernle\u015fme \u00f6yle mi?..<\/p>\n

Bu karanl\u0131ktan ancak K\u00fcrtlerle el ele \u00e7\u0131kabiliriz. Ermeniler ve Rumlar gitti. Neyse ki, K\u00fcrtler var…<\/strong><\/p>\n

14 Kas\u0131m 2008<\/strong><\/p>\n

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[1]<\/a>\u015eevket S\u00fcreyya, \u201cDerebeyi ve Dersim\u201d, Kadro, No.6, Haziran 1932, s. 42-45 (Kadro, 1932 t\u0131pk\u0131bas\u0131m, c.1, Yay\u0131na Haz\u0131rlayan Cem Alpar, Ankara Iktisadi ve Ticari Ilimler Akademisi, Ankara, 1978).
[2] \u0130smail H\u00fcsrev, \u201cT\u00fcrk K\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc Toprakland\u0131rmal\u0131: Fakat Nas\u0131l?\u201d, Kadro, No. 23, \u0130kinci Te\u015frin (Kas\u0131m), 1933, s. 36 (Kadro, c.2, Age.).
[3] Vakit, 27 Nisan 1925.
[4] Aktaran Mete Tuncay, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyetinde Tek Parti Y\u00f6netiminin Kurulmas\u0131, Ankara, Yurt yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1981, s. 301. Elbette ideolojik yakla\u015f\u0131m her ko\u015fulda h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc bu denli a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla icra etmez. Nitekin Bozkurt da bu gaf \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcndeki a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla tecziye ve takbih edilmi\u015ftir.
[5] Tabii belirtmek gerekir ki, daha sonralar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fsal zorunluluk ve ittifaklar \u201cmilli\u201d hassasiyetlerin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve asimilasyon-\u015fiddet sarmal\u0131n\u0131n da g\u00fcvencesinde, \u201cfeodalizmin tasfiyesi\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi yerini toprak a\u011falar\u0131yla i\u015fbirli\u011fine b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
[6] Burhan Asaf, \u201cBizdeki Azl\u0131klar\u201d, Kadro, No.17, May\u0131s 1933, s. 52 (Kadro, (T\u0131pk\u0131bas\u0131m), c.2, Yay\u0131na Haz\u0131rlayan Cem Alpar, Ankara \u0130ktisadi ve Ticari \u0130limler Akademisi, Ankara, 1979). Kemalist ideolog Burhan Asaf Belge daha sonra \u201cliberal\u201d Demokrat Parti\u2019nin kurucular\u0131ndan olmu\u015ftur. Kemalist d\u00f6nemdeki yaz\u0131da dile getirilen g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, daha \u00f6nce 1923\u2019te M\u00fcbadele ile, Demokrat Parti iktidar\u0131nda 6-7 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019le, 1964\u2019de \u201cK\u0131br\u0131s Olaylar\u0131\u201d ard\u0131ndan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fcbadele\u201d ile ya\u015famda kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulmu\u015f, nihayet fa\u015fizmin \u201cYa sev, ya terk et\u201d slogan\u0131yla g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum, s\u00f6z konusu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin \u201cideolojiler \u00fcst\u00fc\u201d bir sistemik \u00fcstbelirleyicili\u011fe sahip oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir.
[7] Aziz Nesin ve U\u011fur Mumcu ile birlikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen bu s\u00f6yle\u015finin \u00f6zeti daha sonra yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Yeni G\u00fcndem, No. 46, 1824, Ocak 1987.<\/p>\n

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Milli Devlet, Modernle\u015fme ve K\u00fcrt Sorunu \/ Haluk Gerger Milli Savunma Bakan\u0131 Vecdi G\u00f6n\u00fcl, \u00f6zetle, \u201cM\u00fcbadele ve Ermeni Tehciri olmasayd\u0131 milli devleti kuramazd\u0131k\u201d demi\u015f Br\u00fcksel\u2019deki bir konu\u015fmas\u0131nda. S\u00f6yleyen ki\u015fiden \u00e7ok, zihniyeti g\u00f6stermesi ve sadece d\u00fcne ya da bug\u00fcne de\u011fil, yar\u0131nlara da \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli bu s\u00f6zler. Bu zihniyet -tedhi\u015fci T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck- yak\u0131n tarihimizde \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131ktan Kemalizme, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_gspb_post_css":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[35],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1287","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-tye"],"blocksy_meta":[],"brizy_media":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1287","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1287"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1287\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1287"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1287"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/mcanyuce.net\/eski\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1287"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}